WEBVTT

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- Hello and welcome again
to another edition of

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Strategic Studies Quarterly,
Issues and Answers.

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Today the issue, cyber. Or
cyberspace if you prefer.

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Over the last 20 years,
cyber capabilities, threats,

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and vulnerabilities have
been ubiquitous in our

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national security discussions.

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And also critical to our national defense.

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Here to examine many of the aspects of the

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cyber domain is my guest,
Doctor Pano Yannakogeorgos.

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He is the Dean of the Air
Force's Cyber College.

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He holds a PhD in global
affairs from Rutgers University

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and is a widely published
author on cyber security.

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Pano, welcome to Issues and Answers.

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- Absolutely Mike,
thank you for having me.

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- You know we've published a lot on cyber.

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We've published two
special additions in fact,

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on cyber over the last 12 years.

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In almost every edition of
Strategic Studies Quarterly,

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we have articles addressing
some aspect of cyber.

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So let's get into a couple of issues

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and answers on that topic.

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First I'd like you to give us an overview

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of what you see are some
of the greatest threats

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facing the United States and cyber.

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Would you be able to
classify those as hackers,

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criminals or our adversaries?

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- So I'm gonna break it down, Mike,

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into an actual threat probability.

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So, we see right now the
greatest threat to the

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United States comes from
criminal actors who are

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looking for profit By
stealing peoples' personal

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identifiable information and re-selling it

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on the dark web or just stealing money

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straight out of peoples' bank accounts.

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So that's what we currently see right now

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as the greatest threat to
the civilian population.

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However, we also have
another greater threat

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to U.S. National Security
which can be broken down

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into Nation-State sponsored activities.

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One is a Chinese theft
of intellectual property

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from U.S. corporations,
including defense contractors.

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And then the other is
actually the targeting

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of the electoral process by
the Russians, as is well known.

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So on the Chinese side,
for me, that's the more,

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the greatest turf threat of all because

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at the end of the day,
our American companies

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are innovating, putting
a lot of investments

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and research and development into

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the research and development.

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As a result, when the
Chinese steal that money,

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they don't have the
put that investment in.

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They can re-create the
products, like the C-17

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which was re-developed as a Y-17 aircraft,

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and not have to

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actually go out and

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do all the hard work themselves.

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So they're almost able
to leapfrog our military

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capabilities so the
United States effectively

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becomes a Chinese research
and development laboratory.

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- So it sounds like the
threat is, I would call

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it a conglomeration of threats.

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And you mentioned, on the
civil side particularly first,

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what would you consider the weakest link

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in that civilian side
of this vulnerability?

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- The weakest link are the
platforms and the software.

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So by platforms, I mean the hardwares that

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corporations create and
deliver into the market

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and the software that
creates the applications

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that allow users to interact

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with each other across the world.

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So, over the past three
decades and the brief

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history of cyberspace that we have,

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industry has not provided us with

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software and hardware
that is secure by design.

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They're more interested in getting the

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products out to market and as a result,

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they don't conduct the
best coding practices

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to make sure that their
software is secure.

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And as a result, this vulnerability

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proliferates throughout society and

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that's what I believe the greatest

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vulnerability is right now.

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The actual software and hardware that

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exists in the consumer market today.

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- Maybe the answer to this next question

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may be quite obvious, but how would

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you decrease that vulnerability?

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What would you propose
to decrease that while

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still maintaining cyber
efficiency or effectiveness?

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- To be fair, to follow
on, it's a hard problem

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because the gross national product is

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dependent on our IT services so we can't

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expect them to decrease
their profit margin

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by taking time to produce that

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hardware and software that's secure.

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What can be done today,
though, is that the consumers

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either at a personal level
or at an enterprise level

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or at a U.S. government military level,

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can start asking through a contract for

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companies to implement cyber security

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features by design or by
implementation into the

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products that are being
delivered to large corporations.

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- To make that a requirement?

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- Correct.

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- You mentioned the government in there so

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that's sort of a lead
into my next question.

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What do you think the DOD itself is

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most vulnerable in and why?

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- So that's a very interesting question.

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The Government Accountability
Office, the GAO,

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issued a report back in October 2018

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that covers cyber weapons, cyber

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vulnerabilities and weapons systems.

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And it's a long lengthy report and I'll

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just summarize the gist of it.

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That is probably the greatest risk

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right now that the DOD faces.

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The actual cyber
vulnerabilities within our

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military platforms that
could potentially be

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exploited by a threat actor.

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- That has some of those
vulnerabilities that

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the companies produced
initially, it makes sense.

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Okay same question, on
the DOD side, what should

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we do, what's the best way
to fix those vulnerabilities?

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And what's not being done
now that we should be doing?

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- The one thing is to focus on again, the

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contractual relationship
we have with companies.

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We need to educate and train our lawyers,

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our acquisitions professionals to be cyber

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savvy and to understand
what keeper parameters

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can be included in a
DOD acquisition contract

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that could hold a company
culpable or liable

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for hacks that happen
as a result of poorly

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designed systems or systems that did not

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have cyber security designed within them.

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There are certain steps
that are being taken

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right now within DOD to actually start

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processes like this but
it needs to be incultured

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within the acquisitions
and the legal communities.

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- So we're not at that level quite yet.

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- (Pano) No.

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- Do we have the right
talent to get to that level?

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And if we don't, how do we get it?

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- So, educating those
non-cyber career fields

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is the most important thing and the

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Air Force is headed in the right direction

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with the standard of the
Air Force Cyber College

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where educating the legal
communities, acquisitions

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communities, and others on how to start

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asking the right questions to start

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re-shaping the technical environment,

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at a policy and strategic level.

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- Well I'm gonna ask this next question,

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and it has to do with Congress.

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And we've seen a lot of action from

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Congress over the past few years.

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Is that level of
involvement, Congressional

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oversight, in your
opinion is it too little,

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too much or just too late?

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- I think it's just right. (both chuckle)

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I'll stick with that from
the Goldilocks paradigm.

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So, you don't want Congress to get too

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heavily involved in offering regulations

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'cause that could generally
stifle innovation.

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I think a softer, cared and stick approach

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is to try to reshape the environment

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through measures such as re-defining the

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acquisition process and things like that.

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If the environment
doesn't improve over time

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then it might be the right opportunity

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to ask Congress to do more.

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They have been including
the right language,

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the appropriate language
in the most recent

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National Defense Authorization Act.

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And right now, that's been a great

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way to kind of signal to industry

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and also within the DOD of the importance

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that cyber security and cyber mission

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assurance should be taking for the DOD.

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- I know you've heard and read

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a lot about this next topic.

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It's more of a specific nature to one

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of the concerns some people have in cyber

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in the United States right now.

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And that's the issue of Huawei,

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the Chinese company
Huawei and its 5g network.

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Is that really something we should be

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concerned about or worry about?

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- Absolutely. So, I'll
give you an example.

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Let's not use the 5g
network as an example,

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let's just take it up
a higher level and talk

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about the Chinese behavior
currently in cyberspace.

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The Chinese have been
pilfering intellectual

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property using existing networks that

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they don't own and
control, like Cisco routers

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they haven't developed and
other things like that,

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in order to steal secrets to actively

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and aggressively go after
intellectual property.

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If they now have an
additional level of control

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over the physical infrastructure through

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Huawei's 5g equipment, I'm pretty sure

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their strategic culture
is not automatically

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gonna shift overnight
and they're gonna say

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"Okay, now that we have
Huawei in your networks

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we're gonna stop hacking you".

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So I'm pretty sure the trend that we've

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seen in the past will only be amplified

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as a result of more and
more Chinese equipment

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being put on networks globally.

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- So it sounds like that
risk is pretty great.

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- Absolutely.

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- In the winter 2019 edition,

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the upcoming edition at
the end of this year,

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will be a special edition
on great power conflict.

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Can you briefly mention
how you think cyber

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may play out, or play a part in a great

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power conflict maybe before, during,

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and after a great power conflict?

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- Absolutely.

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We kind of break it down as a two way.

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So cyber catastrophe or cyber peacemaker.

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And the cyber peacemaker is
more of a tongue and cheek.

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But I'll start with cyber catastrophe.

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Before the great power conflict,

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nation-states will have been implanting

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software on each others
critical infrastructure,

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they will have been stealing information

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from each other to better understand their

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military plans, policies, procedures,

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they will have developed
equipment based on America's

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greater technological
innovations and copied it.

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So when the great power conflict starts,

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they'll take all the advantage they've

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had in cyberspace and start acting on it.

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So the military secrets
or political secrets

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that they would have
stolen, they'll be able

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to reshape their own military strategies

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to best counter ours.

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The military platforms that
they will have developed

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as a result of stealing our military

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developmental secrets will enable them to

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have equipment that is as
capable or more capable

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than our own on the battlefield.

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So that's the cyber catastrophe scenario,

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where things are going
on in the traditional

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domains of warfare and
then at the same time

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with all those implants that are implanted

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across the cyber domain,
things could start

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exploding and have kinetic effects as

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a result of someone on the other side

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of the world pushing a button.

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But the thing is with
great power conflict,

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you have all sides doing
this to each other.

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So this is where my cyber
pacifier example comes in.

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Where you have all the airplanes and all

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the modern military equipment taken off

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and because the hackers have been so good

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at what they do, they just turn around

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and land again, or crash.

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And a result, there is
no conflict as a result

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of the adeptness of great
powers to hack each other.

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(laughs)

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- I like the way you characterize

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that as cyber pacifism.

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Last question. You and
I have talked before

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and we've published several pieces

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on the offensive nature
of cyber, offensive

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cyber capabilities,
particularly hack-backs.

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I remember you sharing some thoughts

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on that several years ago.

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What are your thoughts on the subject now?

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The subject of hack-back and/or
offensive cyber operations.

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We've just seen the President recently

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within the last year
saying, "The military,

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we're going to sort of release you to do

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more of these kinds of things".

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And recently in the news, we've
seen some examples of that.

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So, what are your thoughts
on the offensive cyber.

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- I think there's too much attention paid

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to offensive cyber, I'll start there.

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Around the world, countries are developing

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cyber commands or something

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that looks like a cyber command.

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And a lot of the purpose
of the cyber command

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is to start trying to
think of offensive ways

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to integrate cyber into
military operations.

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I think the better thing to do to create

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more stable global cyberspace is to focus

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on defensive measures like
the United States is doing.

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When we're talking about the American side

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of the command we're
focused on cyber protection

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teams and things that are being done

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in order to defend our assets and insure

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that our military operations can

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achieve the commander's intent.

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So that's my own personal
view of where we think.

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But now my general
thoughts of offensive cyber

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are that if countries and nation-states

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try to develop offensive
cyber capabilities

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they have two real models to look after.

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First is Stuxnet and
the second is NotPetya.

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Stuxnet example is one that had a cyber

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capability that was deployed against

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an illegal nuclear
activity within our end.

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It was meant to disrupt the program

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in accordance with the United Nation's

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Security Counsel's resolutions.

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When it got out into the wild and spread

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around the world, there was no effect.

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It just laid there dormantly
on systems worldwide.

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So that's an example of an offensive cyber

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capability that states
can look at as a model

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for what a responsible way
of using a cyber weapon is.

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A new responsible way is NotPetya.

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NotPetya was where the
Russians hacked into

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a Ukrainian tax software
that the Ukranians

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used in order to conduct
a ransomware attack.

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NotPetya went beyond the
borders of the Ukraine

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and went around the
world it caused millions

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and hundreds of millions of dollars

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in economic damage worldwide because

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it was ransoming everything it touched.

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So that's an example of a cyber, offensive

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cyber capability that is irresponsible

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and could actually be
leveled at a war crime.

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Because at the end of the day, anything

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that a military feels in cyberspace

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has to abide by
international laws and rules

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and norms of responsible state behavior

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and also laws of armed conflict.

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The hack-back question is a perplexing one

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because by that I understand it to mean

15:39.640 --> 15:40.880
private sector hack-backs.

15:40.880 --> 15:44.250
So a company gets hacked
and lots of companies

15:44.250 --> 15:46.850
are demanding that they
have the right to hack back.

15:46.850 --> 15:48.760
I think that's a very dangerous situation

15:48.760 --> 15:51.340
because you want to allow the state to

15:51.340 --> 15:54.400
still have monopoly over the use of force,

15:54.400 --> 15:57.640
over having legitimate
law enforcement mechanisms

15:57.640 --> 15:59.870
to tackle hacker organizations.

15:59.870 --> 16:02.540
If we start to allow private companies

16:02.540 --> 16:05.080
to go out and cause destructive activities

16:05.080 --> 16:07.370
to counter hackers that are
attacking their networks

16:07.370 --> 16:09.420
there could be broader implications

16:09.420 --> 16:12.483
that create more instability
in the domain as a result.

16:14.790 --> 16:17.059
- Well it sounds pretty
scary and in the last

16:17.059 --> 16:20.260
few minutes, you've given
us a lot to think about.

16:20.260 --> 16:23.210
I suspect that cyber will
remain very important

16:23.210 --> 16:26.480
to our national security and to our lives.

16:26.480 --> 16:29.260
So on behalf of team SSQ and the entire

16:29.260 --> 16:31.990
SSQ audience, Pano thank you very much.

16:31.990 --> 16:33.470
- Absolutely. Thank you
for having me again.

16:33.470 --> 16:34.303
- My pleasure.

