WEBVTT

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- Hello, and welcome to LiveAtState,

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the State Department's interactive

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virtual press briefing platform.

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I'm delighted to welcome
participants joining us today

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from Europe, Africa, and around the globe.

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Today we'll be speaking
with Robert L. Strayer,

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Deputy Assistant Secretary for Cyber

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and International Communications
and Information Policy.

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The topic of today's discussion and Q&A

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is U.S. policy on 5G technology.

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Before I turn it over to Mr. Strayer

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for some opening remarks,

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I'd like to make a few comments
on procedures for questions.

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And with that, let's get started.

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DAS Strayer, thank you
for joining us today.

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I'll turn it over to you
for some opening remarks.

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- Thank you.

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The United States wants to maintain

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a secure cyberspace
for future generations.

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We and our partners recognize
that cyber policy issues

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are critical to not just
protecting communications networks,

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but also to national
security, human rights,

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and economic prosperity around the world.

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Because of its impact on
these vital interests,

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cyber policy is a foreign policy priority

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for the United States.

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The security of information
communications technologies,

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or ICTs, is an essential
element of national security.

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These networks and services
play a crucial role

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in the safety, security, and
prosperity of each nation.

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The fifth generation of
wireless technology, or 5G,

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will be transformative by
providing consumers and businesses

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with up to 100 times faster connections

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than 4G networks provide,
and with low latency,

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which is the time devices need

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to communicate with one another.

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Billions of new devices

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will become connected to the internet,

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enabling the internet of things.

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And these connections will empower

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a vast array of new critical services,

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from artificial intelligence
to autonomous vehicles

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to telemedicine and
automated manufacturing.

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Since 5G networks will begin to touch

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every aspect of our lives,

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the stakes could not be
higher for its security.

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As countries around the world expand

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and update their ICT infrastructure,

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we are urging them to adopt a
risk-based security framework.

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An important element of this

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is a careful evaluation
of the supply chain

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and equipment vendors.

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In particular, this
evaluation should result

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in the exclusion of equipment vendors

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that are subject to unchecked

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or extrajudicial control
by a foreign power.

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These vendors could be ordered

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to undermine network security,
to skim personal information,

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conduct espionage,
distribute cyber attacks,

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and disrupt critical infrastructure.

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A significant cause for concern

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are a number of Chinese laws

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that compel their companies

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to cooperate with intelligence
and security services

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without independent judicial controls.

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Responding to this risk,
the United States enacted

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the National Defense
Authorization Act last year,

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which prohibits the U.S. Government

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from using equipment or services

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from certain high-risk companies

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that are associated with,
owned, or controlled by China.

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And no major U.S. wireless carrier

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plans to use Huawei or ZTE equipment

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in the buildout of its 5G network.

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The good news is that many other countries

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are also acknowledging
this supply chain risk

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and strengthening their ICT security.

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And last month, the
European Union Commission

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released a set of recommendations

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to improve the cyber
security of 5G networks,

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noting that evaluations
of equipment suppliers

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should include the risk of
influence by a third country,

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notably in relation to
its model of governance.

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These criteria must be rigorously applied.

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Moving forward in early May,

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the Czech Republic is hosting
an important conference

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on 5G security that is
attracting scores of countries.

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The United States
welcomes their leadership

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and supports this initiative
to create nonbinding principles

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on 5G network security

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that will drive global
conversations on this issue.

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At the same time, many countries
are not yet focused on 5G,

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but it's not premature for countries

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primarily using 2G and 3G networks

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to consider their strategies

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for ensuring future network security now.

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Decisions about who
builds and how you secure

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4G infrastructure are crucial

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because they will affect the
security of future 5G networks.

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With that, I would be happy
to answer your questions.

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- Great, thank you, sir.

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First question comes from Martin Koelling

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at Handelsblatt in Germany.

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What are the risks and
opportunities for cyber security

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in the 5G era?

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What is the speed and
timeline of 5G expansion?

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What is the role of new technologies

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like pseudo-satellite,
e.g. Softbank and Loon?

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- So a number of new technologies

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will be built upon the 5G infrastructure.

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They will be empowered by
the internet of things,

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they will be empowered
by the very low latency

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and very high, up to 100 times

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what is current throughput
on the networks.

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So we're going to see all kinds

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of not just new communications,

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but the ability for all kinds
of critical infrastructure

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to ride over that infrastructure itself.

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So there's tremendous
amount of economic growth

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that will occur in all the applications

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that ride on top of the
actual infrastructure itself.

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So unlike the 4G networks of today,

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where they're relied on
primarily for communications

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and the use of our smart
devices, handheld smartphones,

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new types of direct machine
communications will occur.

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- Next question is from Jack
Stubbs at Reuters in the UK.

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How does the U.S. view
the UK's reported decision

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to allow Huawei to build
parts of its 5G network?

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And what do you want to achieve

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at the 5G conference in Prague?

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- Well, first I would note
that the United Kingdom

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has not announced a final decision.

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Like all of us, they're
on a path of having

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continued conversations about
security of 5G networks.

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I'd also point out that
the United Kingdom,

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through their Huawei
oversight board report,

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noted there were hundreds
of vulnerabilities,

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including systemic engineering problems

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with Huawei technologies.

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So we're looking forward to continuing

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the conversations with them,

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and with a number of other countries

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at the Czech Republic-hosted conference

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that will occur later this week in Prague

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that will help define
some nonbinding principles

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that all of us can apply to improving

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the security of our 5G networks,

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including with respect to the
supply chain of the vendors.

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- Now, our platform is,

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as I was mentioning before
the show, democratic.

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And we're going to turn
next to the question

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that has the most votes right now,

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which is from Mark Bridge
at The Times in the UK.

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Recently, you indicated that use of Huawei

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anywhere in a nation's 5G infrastructure

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would harm cooperation between
that nation and the U.S.

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Britain will use Huawei equipment

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in parts of its 5G infrastructure.

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Will cooperation between the
U.S. and the UK be hindered?

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- It's premature to address
that exact part of the question,

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but I will say this:

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As our economies become
more interconnected,

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including our digital economies,

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more data transmits between
the United States and Europe

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than any other part of the world,

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which of course includes
the United Kingdom,

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we know that a disruption to services

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or a disruption to the ability to store

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or access information that
transmits between those routes

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across the Atlantic will impact all of us.

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So indeed, it's not just about
the sharing of intelligence

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or the cooperation on information sharing,

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it's about all the services
that we're providing

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across the Atlantic today
that could be disrupted.

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And it's not just the disruption,

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but as well as the intrusion of,

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insertion of cyber vulnerabilities

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or the use of the networks for espionage.

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- Next question along similar lines

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from The Wall Street Journal.

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What is the government's
planned course of action

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for the now likely case that
European allies such as Germany

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allow Huawei to build their 5G networks,

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in some detail if possible?

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- Well, it's premature to assess that.

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I mean, we have said that if the risk to,

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if other countries insert
and allow untrusted vendors

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to build out and become the
vendors for their 5G networks,

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we will have to reassess
the ability for us

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to share information and
be interconnected with them

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in the ways that we are today.

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Exactly how that will be done

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will depend on the risk of the equipment

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that's put into the new networks.

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- Expanding a bit from Europe,

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Nike Ching from Voice of America asks:

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Can you please give us a sense,

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what is the strategy in alerting nations

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in Southeast Asia and Africa
where Huawei is very popular?

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- All right.

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So a year ago nobody was talking about

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the supply chain risks
related to 5G networks,

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and there was a limited discussion

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related to 4G and 3G networks

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on the importance of
supply chain security.

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So we've continued to have discussions

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with governments around the globe

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about supply chain security

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and its importance for all types

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of telecommunications networks,

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both the current generations
of telecom networks

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as well as future generations.

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So we're gonna continue to
engage with those governments.

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We're going to share our views

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and our understandings
about what are the avenues,

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and what is really going to
be an enhanced attack surface

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in 5G because of the ability
for much more software

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that will drive the networks' ability

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for a potential adversary
to compromise that software

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in any part of the networks.

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Furthermore, we're talking to countries

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about the shared values that we have,

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our shared values related
to fundamental human rights

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and civil liberties.

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We want to talk about the importance

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of enabling the sharing of data

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in ways that are not
going to be compromised

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that could result in
authoritarian governments

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getting access to data

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and potentially compromising
peoples' ability

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to have free expression,
to peacefully assemble,

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or to exercise freedom of religion.

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We have, of course, seen
that in China in recent years

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and we're very concerned about

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the ability of a government to compel

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telecommunications providers
to provide that type of data

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to a government that
has that track record.

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- Next question is from Steven Swinford

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at the Daily Telegraph in the UK.

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Do you believe that allowing Huawei

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to help build Britain's or any
country's 5G telecoms network

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will risk national security

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even if it only applies to
non-core parts of the network?

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- It's the United States' position

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that putting Huawei or
other untrustworthy vendors

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in any part of the 5G
telecommunications network is a risk.

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We are concerned that even
at the edge of that network,

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where we're going to see increasingly

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what they're calling
software-defined networks

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and the virtualization,
the software virtualization

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of activities as part of the network

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that are done more today
by hardware than software,

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but as they're increasingly
done by software

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there's that increased attack surface.

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Having potentially compromised equipment

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and software provided by vendors

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in any part of that network
is an unacceptable risk.

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- So a question along similar lines

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from Laurens Cerulus from POLITICO.

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Do you consider the distinction between

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core and radio networks

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a sensible approach to
managing 5G security?

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- It is our position in the United States

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that there is no way that
we can effectively mitigate

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the risk to having an untrustworthy vendor

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in the edge of the network.

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- Next question from
The Wall Street Journal.

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Is there anything that the U.S.
Government and/or its allies

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could do to help Huawei's
rivals in America and Europe

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to become more competitive,

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or to shield them from
potential retributions

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on the Chinese market?

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- I need to be clear here.

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The effort that we're
undertaking around the world,

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our global diplomatic effort,
has nothing to do with trade.

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It's 100 percent about
national security interests.

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The conversations we're having
are about national security.

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That said, it's also
important to point out

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that there is no U.S. provider

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for the wireless radio networks,

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so we're not advancing
a U.S. interest here.

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The primary competition to the Chinese

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are a Finnish company, a Swedish company,

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and a South Korean company.

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- Next question from Meaghan Tobin

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at the South China Morning Post.

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How will the U.S. approach
to military cooperation

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and intelligence sharing
with nations which use Huawei

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in some aspects of their 5G networks,

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for example, allies like the
Philippines and Thailand,

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within the U.S.'s historically
conducted military exercises,

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how will that change if
those are both going ahead

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with Huawei 5G tests?

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- Well, certainly we want
to have the opportunity

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to continue to have engagement
with those governments

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about the future buildout
of the 5G networks.

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They're in 4G, have 4G networks
they, like all of us do,

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that are, they're now just starting

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to build out 5G networks.

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So we hope to convince them
that in their 5G networks

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they should not have untrustworthy
vendors in the network.

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That said, if there is an insertion

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of an untrustworthy vendor into a network,

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we're going to have to
evaluate our ability

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to share information

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and how we would share that information.

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- Next question is from Markus Balser

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at Sueddeutsche Zeitung in Germany.

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Despite U.S. pressure,
Germany refuses to exclude

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Huawei's 5G technology.

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How is this step seen by you?

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And is there a risk that Germany

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will lose access to intelligence sharing?

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- So on the positive note,

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Germany has released a
set of security standards

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related to 5G, which include
looking at the ability

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for another country to
undermine the data security laws

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in Germany and in the European Union.

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Acknowledging that
general standard, though,

14:44.650 --> 14:46.770
the actual implementation that would occur

14:46.770 --> 14:48.700
down the road is very important.

14:48.700 --> 14:50.760
It's crucial that that be,

14:50.760 --> 14:53.610
that particular element
related to the supply chain

14:53.610 --> 14:56.130
and the ability of a third country

14:56.130 --> 15:00.020
to compel its vendors to act
in the interests of that,

15:00.020 --> 15:02.454
of an authoritarian country be considered.

15:02.454 --> 15:05.920
If that is actually
applied in a rigorous way,

15:05.920 --> 15:09.563
then it should lead to
the prohibition of Huawei

15:09.563 --> 15:13.033
and ZTE from networks in
Germany and around the world.

15:14.010 --> 15:16.070
- Next question comes from Poland:

15:16.070 --> 15:21.070
The EU is coming up with the
ACTA2 policy, A-C-T-A-2 policy.

15:21.840 --> 15:23.890
How beneficial are these kinds of policies

15:23.890 --> 15:26.303
as they infringe on our
right to information?

15:27.490 --> 15:29.330
- I'm not actually familiar with that law.

15:29.330 --> 15:33.076
- Okay, well, we can
attempt to come back to that

15:33.076 --> 15:35.033
at a different briefing.

15:36.330 --> 15:38.060
The next question is again about

15:38.060 --> 15:43.060
the ability of other companies
to build out the 5G networks,

15:45.190 --> 15:47.190
specifically from Les Echos.

15:47.190 --> 15:48.023
The question is:

15:48.023 --> 15:50.576
Do Ericsson and Nokia have enough capacity

15:50.576 --> 15:53.193
to build the U.S. 5G network?

15:54.100 --> 15:56.520
- Well, in our wireless carriers' view,

15:56.520 --> 15:58.390
I'm here representing the
U.S. Government, of course.

15:58.390 --> 15:59.760
I cannot comment exactly

15:59.760 --> 16:02.040
on their internal supply chain issues.

16:02.040 --> 16:04.810
But my understanding is that our carriers

16:04.810 --> 16:06.610
have no concern about the ability

16:06.610 --> 16:10.300
for Ericsson, Nokia, and Samsung
to supply their networks.

16:10.300 --> 16:13.670
Of course, they have said
that they're not going to use

16:13.670 --> 16:18.150
Huawei or ZTE technology
in their 5G networks.

16:18.150 --> 16:19.780
I think it's also important to recognize

16:19.780 --> 16:21.050
that when we talk about 5G,

16:21.050 --> 16:24.020
there's an entire ecosystem
of component parts

16:24.020 --> 16:25.900
that will go into that well beyond

16:25.900 --> 16:28.080
just the wireless radio interface.

16:28.080 --> 16:29.990
There will be all kinds of networking

16:29.990 --> 16:31.370
and rallying that go on.

16:31.370 --> 16:33.360
There are American companies
and companies around the world

16:33.360 --> 16:36.190
that supply that, including
Cisco and Juniper.

16:36.190 --> 16:39.047
There's also gonna be a
very big importance too

16:39.047 --> 16:42.400
as we see more and more of
the network virtualized,

16:42.400 --> 16:45.540
that is, software taking over the role

16:45.540 --> 16:47.900
that was previously performed by hardware.

16:47.900 --> 16:49.730
There'll be more data
storage in effectively

16:49.730 --> 16:51.770
what is the cloud, a cloud environment.

16:51.770 --> 16:54.330
So there's many companies
providing cloud infrastructure

16:54.330 --> 16:56.883
for that 5G ecosystem.

16:58.290 --> 16:59.980
- The next question from Parmy Olson

16:59.980 --> 17:01.650
at The Wall Street Journal.

17:01.650 --> 17:04.110
Can you elaborate on how
the U.S. is defining,

17:04.110 --> 17:07.398
quote-unquote, sensitive
networks for 5G infrastructure?

17:07.398 --> 17:09.950
And is that definition different

17:09.950 --> 17:12.730
from the UK's current definition?

17:12.730 --> 17:14.560
- Well, I don't really want to get into

17:14.560 --> 17:16.980
how we would define what
are more sensitive networks

17:16.980 --> 17:18.240
and less sensitive networks.

17:18.240 --> 17:21.700
I would just revert back to
the point I was making earlier,

17:21.700 --> 17:23.370
which is that in our view,

17:23.370 --> 17:27.450
because of the interconnectedness
and the dramatic changes

17:27.450 --> 17:29.890
we're going to see in what 5G enables,

17:29.890 --> 17:32.010
that underlying infrastructure affecting

17:32.010 --> 17:35.180
the entire value stack
of applications above it,

17:35.180 --> 17:37.940
that there are truly critical services

17:37.940 --> 17:40.090
that will be provided that
we cannot see undermined

17:40.090 --> 17:42.330
in any part of a 5G network.

17:42.330 --> 17:44.120
We should be concerned about all parts

17:44.120 --> 17:46.500
of the 5G network going forward.

17:46.500 --> 17:49.410
And so therefore, no part of a 5G network

17:49.410 --> 17:53.170
should have parts or
software coming from a vendor

17:53.170 --> 17:54.980
that could be under the control

17:54.980 --> 17:56.813
of an authoritarian government.

17:57.850 --> 18:00.330
- Next question from journalist Han Chen:

18:00.330 --> 18:02.040
Huawei and the Chinese Government

18:02.040 --> 18:04.600
have repeatedly denied U.S. allegations

18:04.600 --> 18:07.440
that Huawei equipment
poses a security risk,

18:07.440 --> 18:09.150
claiming that the U.S. has not offered

18:09.150 --> 18:11.060
any concrete evidence.

18:11.060 --> 18:14.120
What is your strategy in
countering those claims?

18:14.120 --> 18:16.850
- Well, I think it's
important to recognize

18:16.850 --> 18:18.690
that there's been a number of allegations

18:18.690 --> 18:20.930
that Huawei and ZTE over the years

18:20.930 --> 18:24.815
have been involved in
intellectual property theft.

18:24.815 --> 18:28.150
In fact, there's currently
an indictment against Huawei

18:28.150 --> 18:30.180
in the United States for the theft

18:30.180 --> 18:32.570
of intellectual property from T-Mobile,

18:32.570 --> 18:35.458
and that indictment notes
that there was a campaign

18:35.458 --> 18:38.277
within the company to provide bonuses

18:39.510 --> 18:43.143
to employees who stole
intellectual property.

18:44.780 --> 18:46.460
It's also important to recognize

18:46.460 --> 18:49.830
that it's not just the
intellectual property theft.

18:49.830 --> 18:51.650
It's the ability for the government

18:51.650 --> 18:53.110
under their national intelligence law

18:53.110 --> 18:56.182
to compel that company to act in any way

18:56.182 --> 19:00.874
that is in the interests of
the Chinese Communist Party.

19:00.874 --> 19:05.330
So in the future, they
could be asked to do things

19:05.330 --> 19:06.580
they're not asked to do today.

19:06.580 --> 19:08.903
The way we look at it is
there is a combination

19:08.903 --> 19:11.863
of intent, capabilities, and opportunity.

19:12.730 --> 19:14.690
With regard to intent,

19:14.690 --> 19:17.660
we've seen that China has a history

19:17.660 --> 19:19.440
of intellectual property theft

19:19.440 --> 19:20.830
that has occurred over the years

19:20.830 --> 19:24.760
that resulted in a statement
in the Rose Garden in 2015

19:24.760 --> 19:28.640
with President Obama that
it was not lived up to.

19:28.640 --> 19:31.350
We noted last December, on December 20th,

19:31.350 --> 19:34.250
that China was behind the global hacking

19:34.250 --> 19:36.350
of what are called
managed service providers,

19:36.350 --> 19:40.921
including global cloud
providers around the world.

19:40.921 --> 19:43.750
And what China did is they
used that data that it stole

19:43.750 --> 19:46.150
from some of the biggest
companies around the world

19:46.150 --> 19:50.250
to provide to its own companies
for their economic benefit.

19:50.250 --> 19:52.370
So we know there's a history
of intellectual property theft.

19:52.370 --> 19:56.620
We also know there's
a use of data in China

19:56.620 --> 19:59.420
that's contrary to the values
that we have in the West.

19:59.420 --> 20:02.650
We've seen data used to
assign social credit scores

20:02.650 --> 20:05.670
to then conduct surveillance
against citizens,

20:05.670 --> 20:07.650
and then to use that information

20:07.650 --> 20:11.820
to put more than a million
Uighurs into re-education camps.

20:11.820 --> 20:14.700
So those uses of data
are completely contrary

20:14.700 --> 20:16.500
to the West's view, so
we know there's an intent

20:16.500 --> 20:18.000
to use data in different ways

20:18.000 --> 20:19.900
than we would ever want to see used

20:19.900 --> 20:23.290
under our views about
fundamental human rights.

20:23.290 --> 20:25.517
Secondly, we come to the capabilities.

20:25.517 --> 20:26.580
With regard to capabilities,

20:26.580 --> 20:28.870
we know there's the national
intelligence law in China,

20:28.870 --> 20:30.240
the counterterrorism law,

20:30.240 --> 20:31.650
and then a number of other laws

20:31.650 --> 20:34.140
that come together to provide
the Chinese Government

20:34.140 --> 20:36.800
complete control over their private sector

20:36.800 --> 20:38.710
and state-owned companies.

20:38.710 --> 20:40.080
And then lastly, opportunity.

20:40.080 --> 20:41.370
As I mentioned before,

20:41.370 --> 20:45.110
the attack surface in a 5G
network is greatly expanded.

20:45.110 --> 20:47.110
Some have asked, where is the smoking gun?

20:47.110 --> 20:49.200
Well, it's hardly appropriate to ask

20:49.200 --> 20:50.470
for the smoking gun evidence

20:50.470 --> 20:52.580
when we don't even have
5G networks built out yet,

20:52.580 --> 20:55.220
we don't have a history of 5G,

20:55.220 --> 20:57.500
and the, especially as
use cases get built out

20:57.500 --> 21:00.160
to provide massive amounts of new data,

21:00.160 --> 21:01.800
the temptation will be there

21:01.800 --> 21:06.000
to come after that data and
use it for illicit purposes.

21:06.000 --> 21:10.030
So that all combined, the
intent, the capabilities,

21:10.030 --> 21:11.931
and the opportunity,
what we really have here

21:11.931 --> 21:13.910
is a loaded gun,

21:13.910 --> 21:16.360
is something that Western
democracies who value human rights

21:16.360 --> 21:17.960
should think very carefully about

21:17.960 --> 21:20.360
if they want to give that
to an authoritarian regime

21:20.360 --> 21:22.893
with very different values
about the uses of data.

21:24.800 --> 21:26.570
- Next question from Peter O'Dwyer

21:26.570 --> 21:28.930
at The Times, Ireland edition.

21:28.930 --> 21:30.950
Was the EU commission's decision

21:30.950 --> 21:33.570
to ask member-states to
carry out a risk assessment

21:33.570 --> 21:36.820
of the security risks
posed by 5G technology

21:36.820 --> 21:38.570
rather than to ban Huawei

21:38.570 --> 21:40.870
sufficient from a U.S. point of view?

21:40.870 --> 21:41.870
And what should Ireland,

21:41.870 --> 21:43.840
which is currently undertaking
such an assessment,

21:43.840 --> 21:46.500
consider as part of that exercise?

21:46.500 --> 21:48.930
- We think that the European
Commission's recommendation

21:48.930 --> 21:52.660
to conduct assessments by the end of June

21:52.660 --> 21:55.140
and then come up with
a European-wide policy

21:55.140 --> 21:57.100
is a positive first step.

21:57.100 --> 22:00.590
Of course, it's very
important that this analysis,

22:00.590 --> 22:03.320
this evaluation, be done
in a very rigorous way,

22:03.320 --> 22:05.451
particularly as it relates
to the supply chain.

22:05.451 --> 22:07.190
As I mentioned earlier,

22:07.190 --> 22:09.520
the European Union's recommendation

22:09.520 --> 22:11.530
says to consider the governance

22:11.530 --> 22:14.850
of third countries where
vendors are located.

22:14.850 --> 22:17.370
So it's very important to look
at the laws in that country,

22:17.370 --> 22:20.980
the legal regime, the
ability for companies there

22:20.980 --> 22:23.020
to seek independent judicial redress,

22:23.020 --> 22:24.890
to object if they are compelled

22:24.890 --> 22:26.820
to do something by the government.

22:26.820 --> 22:28.310
That, of course, does not exist in China.

22:28.310 --> 22:30.030
There is not an independent judiciary

22:30.030 --> 22:32.120
and there is an inability
for companies to say

22:32.120 --> 22:35.350
that they do not want to comply

22:35.350 --> 22:38.660
with Chinese Communist Party direction.

22:38.660 --> 22:40.840
So with that in mind,

22:40.840 --> 22:43.130
we are hopeful that countries in Europe

22:43.130 --> 22:46.270
apply that type of
framework and evaluation

22:46.270 --> 22:48.760
as they think about what kind of vendors

22:48.760 --> 22:50.660
they want in their 5G networks.

22:50.660 --> 22:55.660
So as I said, the European
Commission's recommendations

22:56.230 --> 22:58.530
highlighting security related to 5G

22:58.530 --> 23:01.970
and including the fact
that supply chain security

23:01.970 --> 23:04.280
is important is a positive first step,

23:04.280 --> 23:06.900
but it's gonna be, the truth, the sort of,

23:06.900 --> 23:09.508
it will be borne out in how the,

23:09.508 --> 23:13.210
those standards and those
evaluations are done

23:13.210 --> 23:14.043
in the months ahead.

23:14.043 --> 23:15.670
So we're in a very critical time

23:15.670 --> 23:17.476
for discussions with the European Union

23:17.476 --> 23:19.083
in the next few months.

23:20.180 --> 23:22.250
- Another question from POLITICO.

23:22.250 --> 23:25.100
Can operators maintain
a multi-vendor policy

23:25.100 --> 23:27.020
to manage their cyber security risks

23:27.020 --> 23:29.493
without having access to Chinese vendors?

23:30.850 --> 23:32.260
- Certainly.

23:32.260 --> 23:34.200
I think that question probably refers

23:34.200 --> 23:37.610
to who's managing the networks themselves.

23:37.610 --> 23:40.320
There's a number, a wide
number of Western companies

23:40.320 --> 23:43.460
providing cybersecurity
threat intelligence

23:43.460 --> 23:46.340
and cybersecurity management tools.

23:46.340 --> 23:48.169
If you just go to the
RSA cyber conference,

23:48.169 --> 23:51.760
there's tens of thousands
of companies that are there.

23:51.760 --> 23:54.020
There's no reason that one would

23:54.020 --> 23:56.320
have to necessarily turn
to a Chinese company.

23:58.002 --> 24:00.610
- A question from Jack
Stubbs at Reuters in the UK.

24:00.610 --> 24:03.470
Has the U.S. approach to
5G shifted away from Huawei

24:03.470 --> 24:06.250
and towards calling for
increased security standards

24:06.250 --> 24:07.390
across the board?

24:07.390 --> 24:09.630
If so, why the shift?

24:09.630 --> 24:10.983
- There has not been a shift.

24:10.983 --> 24:12.930
Our entire diplomatic effort

24:12.930 --> 24:14.520
has always started with the premise

24:14.520 --> 24:16.560
that we need a risk-based
security framework

24:16.560 --> 24:20.210
that includes looking very
carefully at the supply chain.

24:20.210 --> 24:22.820
We think that an evaluation
of the supply chain

24:22.820 --> 24:24.500
for a risk-based approach,

24:24.500 --> 24:26.110
that includes looking at the insertion

24:26.110 --> 24:30.270
of intentional
vulnerabilities, must require,

24:30.270 --> 24:33.120
requires someone to look at the countries

24:33.120 --> 24:34.720
where those vendors are located

24:34.720 --> 24:36.820
and the laws of those countries,

24:36.820 --> 24:39.090
particularly as it relates
to authoritarian regimes,

24:39.090 --> 24:41.010
their ability to compel companies

24:41.010 --> 24:43.100
to act in that country's interest.

24:43.100 --> 24:45.535
So we've started from
that general framework

24:45.535 --> 24:48.710
and we look at the laws that are in place

24:48.710 --> 24:51.610
and then the vendors that
are subject to those laws

24:51.610 --> 24:53.970
are the ones that we
say should be excluded

24:53.970 --> 24:58.800
from providing 5G infrastructure.

24:58.800 --> 25:01.400
So we're not targeting
a particular country.

25:01.400 --> 25:02.940
I know there's been a number of questions

25:02.940 --> 25:06.690
about particular countries,
companies within countries.

25:06.690 --> 25:08.560
We've answered those
questions, in our view,

25:08.560 --> 25:12.200
about those companies' activities

25:12.200 --> 25:14.250
and some concerns about them,

25:14.250 --> 25:16.770
but the overall framework
that we're applying here

25:16.770 --> 25:19.800
is a security framework that does,

25:19.800 --> 25:23.020
that is then applied
to a particular country

25:23.020 --> 25:24.173
and particular vendors.

25:25.030 --> 25:27.710
- Next question, another from Africa,

25:27.710 --> 25:32.600
from Pearl Matibe at NewsDay, in Zimbabwe.

25:32.600 --> 25:35.330
Zimbabwe is doing deals with China.

25:35.330 --> 25:37.700
What are the next steps that would ensure

25:37.700 --> 25:41.200
emerging markets with U.S.
5G technology infrastructure?

25:41.200 --> 25:42.760
Is the U.S. open to establishing

25:42.760 --> 25:44.963
a working group with the diaspora?

25:46.520 --> 25:49.840
- Well, I will say more generally,

25:49.840 --> 25:53.850
the Chinese One Belt, One Road program

25:53.850 --> 25:56.300
has been offering countries in Africa

25:56.300 --> 26:00.130
and around the world what
are basically loan terms

26:00.130 --> 26:01.070
that you would never find

26:01.070 --> 26:06.070
in any type of Western development bank,

26:06.440 --> 26:08.470
but what we ask the
countries to think about

26:08.470 --> 26:10.310
is the strings that are attached to that.

26:10.310 --> 26:12.910
These are essentially predatory loans.

26:12.910 --> 26:17.910
They often ask for collateral
to be attached to those loans.

26:18.330 --> 26:19.430
As we see in some cases,

26:19.430 --> 26:21.700
it's required countries
to give up the ownership

26:21.700 --> 26:24.450
of their ports when they
weren't able to make payments.

26:25.770 --> 26:27.840
They've also done these deals

26:27.840 --> 26:30.730
in many cases in non-transparent ways.

26:30.730 --> 26:32.370
It's very hard for the public

26:32.370 --> 26:35.740
and others to have knowledge
of what kind of deals

26:35.740 --> 26:39.480
are being struck in these deals.

26:39.480 --> 26:42.413
They're not in, done in the best practices

26:42.413 --> 26:43.960
that we would consider in the West

26:43.960 --> 26:48.370
to be ways that countries and companies

26:48.370 --> 26:50.360
should be doing business.

26:50.360 --> 26:53.760
So we would like to have
a very close dialogue

26:53.760 --> 26:55.520
with countries like Zimbabwe

26:55.520 --> 26:58.450
about how we can potentially assist them

26:58.450 --> 26:59.980
in financing their infrastructure.

26:59.980 --> 27:02.140
There's a number of development
banks around the world

27:02.140 --> 27:05.233
who are able to invest in
that type of infrastructure.

27:06.320 --> 27:10.880
So whether it's all sorts
of important infrastructure,

27:10.880 --> 27:12.900
including telecommunications
infrastructure,

27:12.900 --> 27:15.240
we seek to be very engaged with them

27:15.240 --> 27:17.530
and look for opportunities to make

27:18.400 --> 27:21.250
that economic prosperity come about

27:21.250 --> 27:23.180
in ways that are transparent

27:23.180 --> 27:25.540
and will lead to the long-term prosperity

27:25.540 --> 27:27.810
of citizens in those countries.

27:27.810 --> 27:29.420
- And we have one final question,

27:29.420 --> 27:31.330
this one again from POLITICO.

27:31.330 --> 27:34.630
Have you been satisfied with
the draft Prague principles

27:34.630 --> 27:36.470
that you've seen so far?

27:36.470 --> 27:38.010
What elements do you consider key

27:38.010 --> 27:40.223
for these non-binding principles to work?

27:41.560 --> 27:43.890
- Well, I will say that
I am very satisfied

27:43.890 --> 27:46.790
with our engagement
with the Czech Republic

27:46.790 --> 27:49.939
and their very diligent
work on these principles.

27:49.939 --> 27:52.085
I don't want to get ahead
of them and the announcement

27:52.085 --> 27:54.640
of the principles that
they are going to have

27:54.640 --> 27:55.580
at their conference.

27:55.580 --> 27:58.860
I look forward to having
discussions with them.

27:58.860 --> 28:00.480
We really appreciate their leadership

28:00.480 --> 28:02.090
on this important issue

28:02.090 --> 28:04.780
and their drafting of the principles.

28:04.780 --> 28:05.820
- And before we wrap,

28:05.820 --> 28:07.650
I would like to give you the opportunity

28:07.650 --> 28:09.590
for any final remarks.

28:09.590 --> 28:10.423
- Thank you.

28:10.423 --> 28:11.320
Thank you very much for having me,

28:11.320 --> 28:14.730
and I appreciate everyone who's
been on in the online world,

28:14.730 --> 28:17.280
participating and asking
all these great questions.

28:18.650 --> 28:21.240
This really comes to a
fundamental question about values,

28:21.240 --> 28:25.450
about entrusting in your
data with countries,

28:25.450 --> 28:27.450
and those that share values with you.

28:27.450 --> 28:31.580
And in important ways,
we've seen the compromise

28:31.580 --> 28:34.000
of those values and the violation

28:34.000 --> 28:36.580
of fundamental human
rights and civil liberties

28:36.580 --> 28:38.725
with regard to the freedom of expression,

28:38.725 --> 28:40.460
freedom of assembly,

28:40.460 --> 28:43.800
and the freedom to practice
religion as one chooses.

28:43.800 --> 28:46.560
So we urge countries
to think very carefully

28:46.560 --> 28:51.560
as they implement requirements
related to 5G infrastructure,

28:51.980 --> 28:53.997
including related to the supply chain,

28:53.997 --> 28:56.800
and think very carefully about the values

28:56.800 --> 28:58.330
of the companies and the countries

28:58.330 --> 29:01.020
that they are being
asked to do business with

29:01.020 --> 29:02.790
and receive offers from countries

29:02.790 --> 29:05.623
that have a track record
that is checkered at best.

29:06.893 --> 29:09.410
- Unfortunately, that is all
the time we have for today.

29:09.410 --> 29:11.160
Thank you again for your questions

29:11.160 --> 29:13.920
and thank you, DAS Strayer,
for joining us today.

29:13.920 --> 29:16.310
To those who participated
in today's conference,

29:16.310 --> 29:18.370
if you would like to clip audio or video

29:18.370 --> 29:19.700
from today's program,

29:19.700 --> 29:20.690
we will send you links

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to broadcast-quality files momentarily.

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We will also provide a transcript

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as soon as it is available.

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If you would like to receive
any of these products,

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please remember to fill out the survey

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located on the polls
tab of this event page.

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Thanks again for your participation

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and we hope you can join us for
another briefing again soon.

