WEBVTT

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- Thanks, Rob, and thanks, Chris.

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So what I'd like to do for
the group is sort of explain

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a little bit deeper
the strategic rationale

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for the additional capabilities
that we recommended

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in the NPR, and then explain
the military rationale

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for the actual capabilities
that we recommended.

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So as Rob said, the Nuclear
Posture Review assessed

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the implications of Russian
nuclear strategy and doctrine

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and the growing disparity
in non-strategic nuclear

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weapons capabilities
between Russia and NATO.

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And we concluded that
the current disparity

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in the range of low-yield
nuclear options available

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to the two sides increases the
risk of deterrence failure.

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In other words, it increases
the risk of the use

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of nuclear weapons in a conflict.

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And that Russian
modernization and expansion

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of their non-strategic
nuclear weapons capability

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is increasing that disparity
and thus increasing

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the risk of deterrence failure.

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So our analysis concluded that
there were clear indications

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in Russian behavior and
statements that our current

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strategy, posture, and
capabilities are seen by Russia

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as potentially inadequate
to deter them from doing

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two different things
that we need to prevent.

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The first is initiating
limited nuclear strikes

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to coerce NATO, if possible;
and the second is making

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wider use of nuclear weapons
to defeat NATO conventional

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forces if necessary.

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We also concluded that
Russia would not be expending

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their limited resources
to modernize and expand

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significantly their
non-strategic nuclear weapons

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capabilities if they had
little or no confidence

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in this strategy.

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We don't believe that they
would pour good money after bad.

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So the review concluded that
the United States needed

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to take steps to reduce Russian confidence

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in their course of escalation strategy.

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And I want to make one
thing particularly clear

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to our friends in the room:
that we do not believe

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that reducing Russian
confidence in their strategy

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requires us or the NATO alliance to match

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Russian non-strategic nuclear capabilities

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in either quantity or diversity.

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Our strategy does not
require nuclear weapons

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to compensate for
conventional inferiority,

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and therefore we don't need to
have the kinds of quantities

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and range of capabilities
that the Russians seem

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to believe they need.

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However, the US and NATO
do require a wider range

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of credible low-yield
nuclear response options

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to convince the Russians
that if they initiate limited

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nuclear use, our response
will deny them the objectives

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they seek, and impose
costs that far outweigh

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those benefits they can achieve.

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So let me say that the
additional capabilities

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we recommended we believe will
make the US nuclear response

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to Russian limited use more credible,

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raising the Russian nuclear
threshold, not lowering our own.

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The purpose of these
capabilities is to make a

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US response to first use more credible.

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Their purpose is not to make
US first use more likely.

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They do not, in that sense,

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lower our nuclear threshold in any way.

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So now let me turn to, very
quickly, explaining why we

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selected two response options
that Rob mentioned earlier.

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The recommendation to rapidly
field a limited number

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of low-yield submarine-launched
ballistic missile warheads

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is designed to provide a
near-term, relatively inexpensive

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augmentation of our
ability to credibly strike

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any target in response to
Russian limited nuclear use.

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A low-yield, submarine-launched
ballistic missile

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is survivable, prompt, and
is able to strike targets

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that are heavily defended
against air-delivered strikes.

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And this was an important
piece of thinking

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behind selection of this
option because all of our

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current low-yield
options in the US arsenal

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are air-delivered.

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Fielding this capability,
as I said, won't lower

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the threshold at which the
United States would deploy

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nuclear weapons, rather
it will raise the nuclear

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threshold of potential adversaries.

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Fielding this capability
won't increase the number of

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nuclear weapons deployed on US
ballistic missile submarines.

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The low-yield warheads
that we are pursuing

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would replace higher-yield
warheads that are

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already deployed on those submarines,

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and within the new start limits.

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And when we replace those
weapons with lower-yield warheads

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we will remain within
the new start limits.

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And let me just address one
argument that critics have made

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about this proposal.

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Some critics contend that
the launch of a single

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submarine-launched ballistic
missile would be ill-advised

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as it would reveal the
location of the submarine

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that launched it, putting a
much larger number of weapons

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at risk, and being destabilizing.

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And let me just make
clear, we've planned for

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the potential launch of a
single submarine-launched

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ballistic missile for decades,

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and the Navy has developed
tactics, techniques,

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and procedures to ensure
the continued survivability

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of the submarine post-launch.

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Now let me turn to the second capability.

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The recommendation to
pursue a nuclear armed

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sea-launched cruise missile
is designed to provide

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a longer-term response to
Russia's continuing expansion

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of their non-strategic nuclear
forces to further enhance

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deterrence in the future.

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A nuclear sea-launched
cruise missile's also

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inherently survivable,
and would provide a future

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US president with a wide
range of credible options

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to respond to Russian limited nuclear use.

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Let me emphasize that in
the Nuclear Posture Review

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it's made very clear
that were Russia to agree

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to return to verifiable
arms control measures

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to redress the imbalance in
non-strategic nuclear forces

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through reductions, the
US might agree to limit

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or forego acquiring a nuclear
sea-launched cruise missile.

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Let me just make one final
point, and then we'd love

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to be able to answer
any questions you have.

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The determination of the
force structure required

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for effective deterrence
is an art, not a science.

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There's no way to objectively
determine the forces

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required to deter any particular adversary

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under any particular set of conditions.

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And anyone that tells you
that that is derivable,

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somehow objectively or
quantitatively is an amateur.

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We believe that it's
prudent to err on the side

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of having more rather than less capability

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to ensure deterrence remains
effective as long as,

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and this is a really important caveat,

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as long as in doing so we don't
create new counterproductive

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threat perceptions on
the part of adversaries.

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We believe that the
additional capabilities

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that we recommended in the
Nuclear Posture Review,

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and that we're now
pursuing, don't do that.

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They aren't destabilizing,
they don't pose any new threat

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of large-scale preemptive attack on Russia

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that they don't face in
any other way already.

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And so we think this
is a stabilizing move.

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We think it's a modest
improvement in our capabilities

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that's required by Russian behavior.

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Thanks.

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- [Man] Thank you very
much Greg, and Rob as well.

