WEBVTT

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(applause)

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- Thank you so much, Kay, and thank you for those

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nice words, and thank you for introducing me.

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It's really a great pleasure and honor to be here today.

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I have visited the United States many times

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as secretary general of NATO, but this is my first

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visit to Texas as secretary general of NATO.

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I think that was about time to come here,

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not least because I'm able to go ahead together

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with Ambassador Kay Bailey Hutchinson,

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who is really a strong supporter of NATO,

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and I really appreciate working together with her

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in NATO, and she said many nice words about me.

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But you have to know that I appreciate very much

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to working with her because she brings a wealth

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of wisdom and experience from Texas, but also from

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the US Senate and her knowledge, and her wisdom,

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and her political experience is of great importance

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for the alliance because we need US leadership.

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She is showing that leadership by her

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excellent work in Brussels.

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So it's good to be with you here in Texas.

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Then it's great to be here today for actually

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several reasons.

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One reason is that I very much like academic institutions

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because many, many years ago I decided to not become

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a politician.

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I decided to pursue an academic career

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after I finished my exams in economics at

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the University of Oslow.

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I started to work at the University of Oslow

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and in the Central Bureau of Statistics in Norway

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because my plan was to become a professor

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in mathematics or econometrics.

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And I started out, and then I was asked to become

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a deputy minister, or state secretary in the

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Ministry of Environment back in 1990.

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And I promised myself and my wife to do that

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for maximum a couple of years, and then go back

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to the academic life and become a professor.

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Now, no, I feel, because I've been in politics for almost

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30 years, and I'm afraid that the academic career,

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it's very hard to go back and to start again,

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to do especially econometrics.

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Partly because I've forgotten everything,

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(laughter)

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and even if I was able to relearn that,

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I think there's no way I'm able to compete with people

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who are 19, or 20, or 21 years old.

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I will lose.

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So I know my limitations.

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So I think that econometrics (chuckles)

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that's a lost career.

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But instead of becoming an academic myself,

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I really like visiting academic institutions,

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and therefore, I appreciate really to be here,

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to sense the atmosphere,

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to know that at SMU

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it's really a center of academic excellence

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for more than 100 years.

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And the scientific work, and the teaching which is

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taking place here is something which is highly recognized

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and therefore it is a special pleasure for me to visit SMU.

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Also knowing that this university had as students

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senators, congressmen, and even a first lady.

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They have walked the quadrangle, I think it is,

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and therefore this is an academic institution

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with a lot of proud history.

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So that's the second reason why I think it's great

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to be here in Texas, and at SMU.

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The third reason is, of course, that it provides me

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an opportunity to share with you some thoughts

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and some reflections on the challenges NATO is facing

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and how we are responding to them, and that is important

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for Europe, but it's also of great importance

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for North American and United States.

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NATO is the most successful military alliance in history.

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And the main reason why NATO is the most successful

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alliance in history is that we have been able

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to change, to adapt, when the world is changing.

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And as many of you already know, NATO was established on

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the fourth of April 1949, so almost exactly 69 years ago.

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For 40 years, from 1949 to 1989, we did only actually

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one thing, and that was to deliver credible deterrence

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against the Soviet Union.

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It was all about how to make sure that the Soviet Union

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didn't attack any NATO-allied country.

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And we did that quite successfully

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based on the core principle of NATO

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which is one for all, and all for one.

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So if one NATO ally is attacked, then it will trigger

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a response from the whole alliance,

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from then in was 12 members, today it's 29 members.

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And by having this one for all, all for one principle,

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we have been able to prevent any attack

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against any NATO ally.

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And that's extremely important for all of us,

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but especially for small NATO allies,

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as for instance, Norway, where I'm coming from.

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It was of great importance to know that when

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Norway's sharing a border with Russia,

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and previously with Soviet Union, five million people

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close to bigger nation, the Soviet Union,

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and Russia later on, that we felt safe

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because we knew that if Norway was attacked,

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NATO allies, the United States, they will come

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to our support.

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And as long as any potential adversary is certain

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that we will defend each other, they will not attack.

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So the best way to prevent conflict

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is to have credible deterrents.

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And that's exactly what NATO did for 40 years.

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'49 to '89.

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Then in '89 the Berlin Wall came down,

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and the Cold War ended, and the Soviet Union,

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and the Warsaw Pact were dissolved.

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And then people started to ask do we need NATO anymore?

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Because the main reason why NATO was established

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didn't exist anymore.

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And it was some commentators said that NATO either

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has to go out of area, meaning go out of NATO territory

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in Europe, or out of business.

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And then NATO decided not to go out of business,

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but instead go out of area, and for the first time

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in our history we went beyond NATO borders.

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We helped to end two wars in the Balkans in the 1990's

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in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and in Serbia, Kosovo.

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And later on, we launched our biggest military operation

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ever in Afghanistan as a response to a terrorist attack

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on the United States, 9/11.

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And as Kay just said, that is the first and only time

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we have invoked what we call Article Five,

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which is the collective defense clause of our founding

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treaty, the Washington Treaty, which says that

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an attack on one ally shall be considered

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an attack on all allies.

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So then for the first 40 years where we successfully

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deterred the Soviet Union and we were able to end

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the Cold War without firing a shot, but without moving

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beyond our borders.

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Then 25 years from '89 to 2014, we did what we called

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crisis management beyond our borders in the Balkans,

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in Afghanistan, fighting pirates off the Horn of Africa.

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So we did crisis management beyond NATO borders.

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Then 2014 is a new pivotal year in the history of NATO.

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Because in 2014 two things happened at the same time.

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Partly we saw a even more assertive Russia.

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We saw the illegal annexation of Crimea

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which is the first time since the Second World War

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when borders are changed in Europe by the use of force,

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one country, Russia, taking a part

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of another country, Ukraine by annexing Crimea.

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So that was extremely serious.

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Second, it continued to destabilize Eastern Ukraine

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and we saw over a long period of time a Russia

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which heavily invested in more military equipment,

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modernized their armed forces,

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also invested heavily in nuclear systems,

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and then 2014 was this year they really started to use

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military force against a neighbor.

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Then in the same year, 2014, something a bit different

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happened, and that was the rise of Daesh, or ISIL.

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I remember when I was asked to become secretary general

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of NATO in January 2014, the first time,

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then hardly anyone had heard about ISIL, or Daesh.

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Some months later, Daesh controlled territory

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close to NATO borders in Iraq and Syria

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as big as the United Kingdom,

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and almost eight million people.

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So that was really a threat.

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And NATO proved again that we are able to adapt,

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able to respond, and we responded by implementing

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the biggest reinforcement of collective defense

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since the end of the Cold War,

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and by stepping up our efforts to fight terrorism.

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So I'm actually quite impressed by the fact

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that NATO has proven again and again able to change,

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respond, when the world is changing.

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And I would just briefly, and then I will be available

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for questions, describe how we have done,

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once again, changed or adapted in the light

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of what happened in 2014 and after.

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First, the biggest reinforcement, our collective defense.

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We have for the first time in our history,

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deployed combat-ready troops in the eastern part

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of the alliance.

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We call them battle groups.

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One is led by United States in Poland,

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then the United Kingdom, Canada, and Germany,

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they lead other battle groups.

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But together this is the strongest military presence

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NATO has ever had in the eastern part of the alliance.

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The battle groups are not very big, it's around 1,000

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in each, but the important thing

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is that they are multi-national.

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So there are NATO troops already in the Baltic countries

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sending extremely clear and strong message

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that if anything similar to what happened in Ukraine

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happens against any of the Baltic countries,

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NATO will be there and responding immediately.

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So there's no way that can happen without triggering

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the response from the whole alliance.

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That provides deterrence, and that's extremely important

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for especially the Baltic countries, and Poland.

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Second, we have increased the readiness of our forces,

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so we have triple the size of what we call

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the NATO Response Force which is a force

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around 40,000 troops which as available

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and we can deploy them with short notice.

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And thirdly, we have seen for the first time

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in many, many years that defense spending

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is again increasing, especially the United States

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has always spent a lot on defense.

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It has been a bit up and down, but three, 4%,

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more than that, actually, always.

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But since the end of the Cold War during the 1990's

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and up til 2014, we have seen a quite steady decline

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in defense spending across Europe and Canada.

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Then in 2014, NATO allies decided, as a response

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to what we saw with Russia in Ukraine, Crimea,

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and the rise of Daesh in Iraq, Syria,

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that we needed to invest more.

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And we decided to stop the cuts,

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gradually increase, and then move towards spending

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2% of GDP on defense within a decade.

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We decided back in 2014, and the first year

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after our decision, 2015 was the first year we had

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increase in defense spending across Europe and Canada

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for many, many years.

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And now we have had three consecutive years

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of rising defense expenditures

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among European allied countries and Canada.

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That is extremely important because it shows

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that we are willing to invest more in our security

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when the world requires that.

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Second, it is also a message to the United States

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that European allies are stepping up, and we take it

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seriously that we need a more balanced burden sharing.

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We still have a long way to go, but at least

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European allies and Canada has turned a corner

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showing that they will carry their part of the burden

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and are investing more in defense.

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The other element of our adaptation is that we have

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decided to do more in the fight against terrorism.

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All NATO allies are member of what we call the

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US-led Global Coalition to defeat ISIS.

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It has achieved a lot already.

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Almost all the territory controlled by Daesh, or ISIL,

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in Iraq and Syria has been retaken,

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and all allies have participated, but just to mention,

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Turkey has been key in that fight.

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Because sometimes it's easy to forget that Iraq and Syria,

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Daesh is actually at the border of NATO,

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because Turkey is a NATO country.

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And we know that this not only threat again neighbors,

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like Turkey, but is a threat against all of us

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because we have seen terrorist attacks in the United States,

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in Europe, organized or inspired by Daesh,

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their so-called caliphate they tried to establish

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in Iraq and Syria.

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So this is not only about protecting the neighbors

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of Iraq and Syria, but also protecting all our countries.

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So Turkey has been key because they have provided

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infrastructure, air bases, in the fight against Daesh.

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I think that the lesson we have learned

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being very different in Iraq and Afghanistan, Libya,

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other places, is that NATO and NATO-allied countries

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have to be ready to deploy large number of combat troops

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in big combat operations as you, for instance,

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did in Afghanistan after 9/11,

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the attack on the United States.

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But in the long run it is better to train local forces

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to enable them to stabilize their own country.

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And that's exactly what we are doing in Afghanistan.

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We have trained the Afghans so they are now responsible

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for the security in their own country,

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and when the Taliban attacks, or when there are

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terrorist attacks in Khabul, or as well in Afghanistan,

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it is the Afghan special forces who goes out and respond.

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We help them, we support them, we train them,

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we advise them, but they are on the front line,

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and that is a great achievement that we have been able

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to train and build local Afghan forces

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capable of doing exactly that.

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We are aiming to do the same in Iraq,

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therefore, we are now in the process of planning

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to scale up and to establish a training mission,

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NATO training mission, to train the Iraqi forces

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to build the security institutions,

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again, based on the idea that prevention is better

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than intervention, and that in the long run, we are safer

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if they are able to stabilize their own countries.

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It's not easy.

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We need different approaches to different countries,

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but our efforts to fight terrorism is very much about

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building local capacity.

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Then, of course, we also have to address other threats

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like cyber threats, and the proliferation

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of nuclear weapons, North Korea.

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We frequently, when it comes to nuclear and ballistic

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missile threats, we respond in the same way

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as we have responded to ballistic and missile threats

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for decades, by deterrence.

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NATO, and again, United States is the biggest ally,

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we have the resolve, we have the capabilities

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to respond if attacked, and that has been the best way

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to prevent the Soviet Union, or Russia, to attack.

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And I think also it sends a clear message to North Korea.

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At the same time, we work for political solutions,

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so we support all efforts of try to find a political

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solution to the crisis caused by the development

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of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles in North Korea.

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And to be able to reach a political solution

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we need strong pressure on North Korea,

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therefore we strongly support the economic sanctions

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against North Korea.

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I will just share with you, so then one reflection

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and then I will end and open up for questions.

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And that is that one of the challenges we face today

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is that it is a much more blurred line between

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peace and war than we have seen before.

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In the old days, war was something a nation declared.

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The message went to the capitals and said we now declare

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war against your country.

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And it was easy to say exactly when the war started

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and when it was over, or ended.

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And in my country, Norway, we know exactly when

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the Second World War started.

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It started the ninth of April when we were attacked

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by German forces, and it ended the eighth of May.

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And that was clear date, and they knew exactly

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which countries that were neutral,

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and which were part of the Second World War.

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Norway, Denmar, we were part of the Second World War,

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Sweden was not.

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When it comes to today, we see threats which are

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extremely different.

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For instance, the fight against Daesh and ISIL,

19:29.337 --> 19:31.463
it's very hard to say when it started.

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It's very hard to say exactly where it takes place.

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We know that it has taken place in Iraq and Syria,

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but it has also taken place in our own streets,

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in our own capitals.

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And there are different groups claiming to be part

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of ISIL, don't know exactly how close the connections are,

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But we know the several terrorist attacks which are

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more or less linked to Daesh.

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So the war takes place also, in that sense,

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in our own streets.

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Then, of course, Iraq and Syria, but we have Daesh

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in Afghanistan, in North Africa, in Asia.

20:07.316 --> 20:10.463
And we have Daesh operating in cyberspace.

20:11.450 --> 20:14.360
And I think it's very hard to tell when the fight

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against Daesh is over.

20:16.660 --> 20:21.660
So classical, old kinds of war, they were well-defined

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in time and space.

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Today war it's hard to define when and where.

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And we have a blurred line because there are

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what we call hybrid tactics which is a mixture

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of military and non-military means of aggression,

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covert and overt operations, cyber interventions.

20:43.810 --> 20:48.810
We saw Seoul's produce of a chemical nerve agent, and so on.

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This is a great challenge for NATO because we have to

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be strong, we have to respond, but we have to respond

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in a measured way, and sometime attribution is extremely

20:59.980 --> 21:02.713
difficult, especially when it comes to cyber attacks.

21:03.370 --> 21:05.390
So that's also the reason why we are modernized

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in the alliance, not only by strengthening our

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conventional forces, but also by more intelligence,

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better situational awareness, high readiness,

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and for instance investing more both in cyber defense,

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but also in our capabilities to deal with chemical weapons

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and other types of weapons of mass destruction.

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I will just end by saying that I'm optimistic

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on behalf of NATO because NATO is strong because

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we have proven able to adapt.

21:45.660 --> 21:49.700
And the impressive thing is that despite of the consensus

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we need, because as Kay said, that's sometimes

21:52.720 --> 21:55.563
quite demanding to reach consensus 29 allies.

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We have been able to take decisions.

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And for instance, we're able to invoke Article Five

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just hours after the attack on the United States.

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We were able to take over the responsibility

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for the air operations in Libya within days,

22:13.990 --> 22:17.290
and we have high readiness forces, so we can take decisions

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fast, quickly, if needed.

22:22.490 --> 22:26.240
But I strongly believe that the fact that NATO's

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proven able to change, and the fact that we have been

22:29.004 --> 22:32.750
able to stand united for almost 70 years

22:33.020 --> 22:36.720
provides the best basis for that NATO will continue

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to be the most successful alliance in history,

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good for Europe, and good for North America,

22:41.680 --> 22:43.023
and the United States.

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Thank you so much.

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(applause)

