WEBVTT

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- Well, good afternoon, all.

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It truly is a pleasure to be back in Brussels.

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Someone reminded me this is my seventh trip

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to Europe already this year, but it is great to be back.

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I had a great visit with our tri-mission here in Brussels.

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These are the people who represent America's interests here

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at NATO, with the EU and here in Brussels, as well.

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Really working hard, and had a chance to meet

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their newest member of their family,

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a two-week-old son that was born

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to one of our folks that's located here from the U.S.

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And, of course, to be with Ambassador Hutchison,

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who I've known for a very long time,

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and we have a very deep and strong friendship

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and a deep respect for one another,

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in terms of her service in the United States Senate

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for so many years, and really proud

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that she leads our NATO mission here, as well.

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The United States, obviously, I think has affirmed now

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on multiple occasions our support for NATO's mission.

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We know that the security NATO provides

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protects Western democratic principles,

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protects our right to live in freedom.

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To that end, the United States is eager

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for our NATO allies to exert their sovereignty

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and take on greater responsibility

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for our shared deterrence and our defense burden.

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I think, as each of us contributes,

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the better we will be able to deter

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and defend against the threats on Europe's frontiers,

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which also can become threats for America.

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We do commend the many countries that have made

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additional commitments and greater contributions.

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This year, Romania joined the United States,

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Greece, Estonia, the United Kingdom,

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and Poland as six allies that spend

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at least 2% of their GDP on defense.

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And two more allies, Latvia and Lithuania,

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will join that club in 2018.

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We expect 26 allies will increase

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their defense spending budgets this year

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and five more NATO allies have put plans in place

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to achieve the 2% objective by 2024.

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Increased spending, however, is not enough.

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It's really about increasing capabilities,

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and we've spent a lot of time in the sessions here at NATO

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over the last day-and-a-half talking about that.

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It's interesting, since NATO was formed,

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the single largest cause of loss of lives

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within NATO from threats has been terrorism.

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And I think President Trump, as all of you well know,

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has made it clear that stopping terrorism

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must be a growing focus of attention for NATO,

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and we had just completed a session on the subject.

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Yesterday, we discussed how to further leverage

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the action plan to strengthen the allies' resilience

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against terrorist attacks and, in particular,

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to build upon NATO's already long-standing commitments

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in Iraq and Afghanistan, increase their cooperation

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as the President has announced his new South Asia strategy.

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We appreciate NATO members' commitments

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to the United States effort to defeat ISIS globally,

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as well as our other counterterrorism efforts.

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The original mission of NATO, obviously, is still relevant.

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We have been clear with Russia

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that we cannot return to business as usual

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in the NATO-Russia relations as long as Russia continues

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its illegal occupation of Ukraine.

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And Russia's continued use of hybrid warfare seeks

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to undermine Western institutions,

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and this stands as a significant obstacle

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to normalizing our relations, as well.

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Russia's aggression in Ukraine remains

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the biggest threat to European security, and demands

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continued transatlantic unity in confronting that threat.

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Our NATO allies stand firm in our support

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of Ukraine's sovereignty and their territorial integrity.

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We do not accept Russia's efforts to change

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the internationally-recognized borders of Ukraine

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or recognize Russia's illegal occupation of Crimea.

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Earlier this morning, we also had a productive discussion

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with Georgian Foreign Minister Janelidze.

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Georgia is a large contributor

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to our joint efforts in Afghanistan.

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In fact, they're the largest per capita

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of any contributing nation, and we strongly support

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Georgia's aspirations to become a NATO member.

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Looking ahead to our final session,

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which will be over lunch today, the United States does

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support NATO's open-door policy,

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and our commitment that any Europe-Atlantic country

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that wishes to join the alliance and meets

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the requirements to do so should be allowed to do so.

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And no third party should have anything to say

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about that pursuit of NATO membership.

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As we've done for decades, the United States will continue

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to maintain our straightforward,

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ironclad commitment to Article V.

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We will continue to work for the common defense

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and the preservation of peace called for

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in the NATO charter, and do so with confidence

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that our allies will continue to do the same.

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Thank you, happy to take questions.

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- The Secretary has time for a few questions.

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Josh Lederman, AP?

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- Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

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On several occasions, thank you.

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On several occasions, the President has

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publicly undermined your diplomatic efforts.

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In recent days, White House officials have said

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that you're going to be pushed out,

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and these are not media inventions.

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These are coming from the White House.

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Many Americans see these efforts as humiliating to you.

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You've had an illustrious career.

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Why do you put up with it?

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Why don't you quit?

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- This is a narrative that keeps coming up

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about every six weeks, and I would say y'all need to get

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some new sources because your story keeps being wrong.

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- Teri Schultz from Deutsche Welle,

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right there in the middle.

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- Hi, over here.

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Yesterday, the German foreign minister arrived

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at the meeting saying that there was

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an increasing divide between the U.S. and Europe,

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that Europe needs to take more of its responsibility,

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which is not just the funding question,

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and that transatlanticism was suffering.

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So I'm interested particularly in whether you've heard

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that in your meetings with allies,

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you had a meeting with them on Iran yesterday,

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and did they express, as strongly as we hear them,

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differences with the administration on Iran policy?

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- Well, I heard Foreign Minister Gabriel's statement,

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and Sigmar and I have become quite close.

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I think I've probably met with him as many times and had

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as many telephone conversations as any of my counterparts.

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And, look, Germany is going through

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a very difficult political process right now.

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Sigmar is part of that, and I don't want to say anything

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that's gonna suggest any leanings one way or another.

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In terms of the support that we've received

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in our talks around our approach

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to Iran and in our Quad meeting yesterday,

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it was a very productive meeting.

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We share a common view of the threat that Iran poses

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in terms of its destabilizing activities

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in the Middle East region, most particularly in Yemen

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and in Syria, its support for terrorist organizations

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like Hizballah, its export of lethal weapons,

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including rockets and missiles.

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We're all very concerned about how to address that issue,

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and that was the discussions that we held

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in our Quad meeting yesterday.

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It was very productive discussions.

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- Dave Clark from AFP.

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- Thank you very much.

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Much of the world is holding its breath

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as President Trump declares Jerusalem the capital of Israel.

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Major European allies are saying it's wrongheaded,

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and Middle Eastern partners and even some

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in your own department are warning

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of potential violence and unrest.

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Is this part of a thought-out strategy

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to improve peace prospects, or is President Trump

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just fulfilling a campaign promise?

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And how can you claim to be a neutral

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broker in the Middle East conflict?

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- Well, I want to be respectful that the President

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has not been allowed to address this issue himself,

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which he will be doing later today, as you know,

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with a speech that he'll be giving,

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so I don't want to go too far in terms

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of getting ahead of his speech.

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What I would encourage people to do is a couple of things.

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First, listen carefully to the entirety of the speech.

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Listen to the full content of the speech.

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The President is very committed

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to the Middle East peace process.

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He has a team that he put in place

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almost immediately upon entering the White House.

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That team has been working very diligently

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on new approaches to the peace process.

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They've been engaged in a quiet way

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with many in the region around that process.

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They've shared it with me so that I could give them

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my steer on certain elements of the process,

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give them guidance on areas that I thought

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would be challenging to address,

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and they've done the hard work to try to address those.

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So, I would just say that all of this,

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we continue to believe there is a very good opportunity

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for peace to be achieved, and the President has a team

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that is devoted to that entirely.

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With respect to the decision on Jerusalem,

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I really would leave that until you hear

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the President's full statement on that.

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- Julian Barnes with The Wall Street Journal.

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- Mr. Secretary, Julian Barnes, Wall Street Journal.

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Ukraine, is the peacekeeping

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proposal by Russia real?

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Is there a possibility to negotiate something

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that the United States could support, that would put

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peacekeepers on the border, restore control to Ukraine?

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And related, do you support expanding

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Russia-NATO dialogue or is the current sort of high-level

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NATO-Russia Councils the right track to be on?

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- We've been engaged with the Russians now

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for some time through, as you know,

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I appointed Ambassador Volker to be

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our point of contact with the Russians

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on finding a way to break the logjam on Ukraine.

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We've prioritized ending the violence as our first priority,

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and we think to do that, we need

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to put a peacekeeping force in place.

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Russia has long resisted a peacekeeping force,

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but they have agreed now, and as you point out,

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they put the first proposal forward for peacekeepers.

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I think it's significant that we're

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talking about the right thing.

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We have a significant difference between the mandate

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that a peacekeeping force would be given

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and the scope of their mandate,

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and that's what we continue in conversations

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with the Russians as to the peacekeeping force.

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We hope we can close those gaps.

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We think it's vitally important

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to stop the violence in east Ukraine.

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People are still dying every day from that violence,

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and that's our objective, is to stop the killing,

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stop the violence, and then we still have a lot of work

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to do to address all elements of the Minsk accord,

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and including the government in Kyiv

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has significant work to do as well.

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But this is a process that's ongoing,

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and the peacekeeping and stopping the violence

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was our first and foremost objective.

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With respect to dialogue with Russia,

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we had a lot of discussion during this NATO meeting,

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and in particular around dinner last night,

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over what is the proper engagement with Russia.

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And I think there is broad consensus

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among all the NATO members that there is

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no normalization of dialogue with Russia today.

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What dialogue occurs, whether it be

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through periodic meetings of the NATO-Russia Council,

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and I say periodic because we are not going

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to return to regularized calendar meetings.

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If there is a reason to meet, if there is a dialogue

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with a result expected, then we should meet

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and we support dialogue to produce results.

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But having dialogue just to be talking

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and trying to regularize or renormalize this relationship

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cannot be undertaken until some of these actions

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that I've addressed, in particular Ukraine, hybrid warfare,

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until Russia begins to address those actions

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which we find not just unacceptable but intolerable.

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So, I think we do support dialogue when there is a purpose,

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when there's a substance, when there's a result

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that we're attempting to achieve.

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- Carol Morello, Washington Post.

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- Mr. Secretary, you've often said

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that you start every meeting every day

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asking about the safety of diplomats abroad.

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It's been more than a year now since your diplomats

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started coming under attack in Cuba,

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and you have still not put forward publicly

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a single piece of evidence, yet you've taken

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some pretty drastic steps in response

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that have seriously damaged the Cuban economy

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and reputation, and Havana has complained that you won't

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share even basic information that they need to investigate.

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So are you still convinced that these

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were attacks, and will you tell us

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what you know about what happened to them?

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- We are convinced these were targeted attacks.

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We have shared some information with the Cubans,

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and there are two restrictions

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I've placed on sharing information.

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One is respect for the privacy of individuals

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and their medical conditions, and the second is not

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to provide whoever was orchestrating these attacks

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with information that's useful to how effective they were.

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What we've said to the Cubans is a small island,

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you got a sophisticated security apparatus,

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you probably know who's doing it, you can stop it.

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It's as simple as that, so that's

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what we've asked the Cubans.

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We understand the Cubans don't like the actions we've taken.

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We don't like our diplomats being targeted.

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- Essia Bouguerra, Al-Sabah.

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- Thank you, Secretary.

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I'm Essia from Tunisia.

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My question is related to the, does the U.S. Secretary

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still believe that the two-state solution is still available

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or still present in your priorities?

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But the second one, concerning the meeting

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of President Putin and President Bashar al-Assad,

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what role has the Syrian regime right now

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in the incoming negotiation in the future about Syria?

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Thank you.

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- With respect to anything related to Jerusalem,

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I really would like to let the President

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make his statement before I comment.

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So, we'll be happy to comment later today or tomorrow,

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after he's had an opportunity to lay out

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the full contours of the decision he's made.

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With respect to the Syrian regime and Bashar al-Assad's role

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in the peace discussions in Geneva,

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and this is a process that will follow

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the UN Security Council Resolution 2254,

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we have said to the Russians it is important

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that the Syrian regime be at the table and be part

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of these negotiations and part of the discussion.

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We think it's important that as long as Bashar al-Assad

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is still the leader of that regime, that he be

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directly engaged in these discussions and negotiations.

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We have left it to the Russians

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to deliver them to the table, and we did have

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a delegation from the Syrian regime attended the first week

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of the talks that have resumed in Geneva.

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We hope that they will return to those discussions.

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These talks have a process, as you know,

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that lays out the development of a new constitution,

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that moves towards an election process

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where all Syrians will have an opportunity

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to voice their views on the future of Syria,

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including all Syrian diaspora that may have had

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to leave the country due to the violence.

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This is all as is called for under

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the UN Security Council resolution.

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- Thank you very much.

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Thank you.

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That concludes, the Secretary has to go to his lunch.

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(cameras clicking)

