WEBVTT

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- Hello, I'm Mike Guillot,

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^editor of Strategic Studies Quarterly,

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^and welcome to another edition of Issues and Answers.

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Today, the issue, U.S.-China relations.

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My guest is Dr. Dawn Murphy,

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^assistant professor of international security

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^at the Air War College.

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She specializes in Chinese foreign policy,

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northeast Asia, and international relations.

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Her current research analyzes China's interests

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and behavior as a rising global power.

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Dr. Murphy holds a B.S. degree

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in industrial and labor relations from Cornell University,

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and a master's degree in international affairs

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from Columbia University.

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She earned a PhD in political science

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from the George Washington University.

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Dawn, welcome, and thanks for being here.

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- Thank you so much for having me here tonight.

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- It's my pleasure.

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To begin, I want to ask you if you could,

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big picture-wise, characterize

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current U.S.-China relations overall.

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- Mike, I think the best way to look

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^at the current state of U.S.-China relations

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^is to think about it as

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^both interdependence and competition.

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^From an interdependence standpoint,

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if you really think about it,

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China is the number one source of imports

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for the U.S. economy, and the number three source

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of exports for the U.S. economy after Mexico and Canada.

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We also have a lot of investment

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going back and forth between our economies,

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and we cooperate on a number of different issues

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related to peace and security throughout the world,

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so we cooperate, we're interdependent,

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but we also have competitive aspects

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to our relationship with China as a rising power,

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and with different interests between the two states.

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- Mm-hmm, well, I'm glad you mention economic issues

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because that's a followup question.

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Give us a perspective of the size

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and power of China's economy relative to the U.S. economy.

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- Right, so today, China has an overall

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gross domestic product of about 11 trillion dollars,

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compared to the U.S. at 18 trillion or so,

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so essentially, in absolute terms,

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you can think of China's economy being

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about 60% the size of the U.S. economy.

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That said, and over the next between five and 10 years,

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that gap will narrow.

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You also have another metric that you could examine,

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which is gross domestic product

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on a purchasing power parity standpoint,

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and when you look at those numbers,

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China's economy has actually surpassed

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the U.S. economy by that metric.

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Another way you could look at the size of the economies

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is gross domestic product per capita,

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which means per person, and when you look at those numbers,

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China's economy is about $8,000 per person,

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compared to the U.S. at 55,000,

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so China's a much poorer economy per person

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than the U.S. at about 15%.

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Finally, when you look at China as a source

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of foreign direct investment globally,

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increasingly, it's becoming a major player in that realm.

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Over the last 30 years or so, from 1978 to today,

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China's gone from being a minimal autarchic economy

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to being the second largest economy in the global system,

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so if you look at any area of economic interaction,

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manufacturing, services, finance, construction,

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they're becoming a major player across the board,

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so it has been a stunning rise.

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If you look at the beginning of their opening,

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they were growing at 10% a year or so.

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Now, they've slowed down to closer to six percent a year,

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but that's still a very high growth rate

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compared to many developed economies.

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- Well, it sounds like, under the status quo

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in Asia and most parts of the world,

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the Chinese economy and the Chinese society writ large

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is really progressing, so do you think

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the Chinese are interested in maintaining the status quo,

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particularly in Asia, or are they really more interested

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in changing that status quo

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that seems to have led to very great success?

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- I think, when you ask that question,

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when you think about that question,

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you have to look at specific functional areas

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and specific issue areas.

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What is the status quo, for example?

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From an economics standpoint,

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you could argue that the current status quo

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is interacting through the World Trade Organization,

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free trade agreements, having strong bilateral

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economic relations with partners throughout Asia,

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and essentially, I think, for the most part,

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China wants to maintain the status quo

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from an economic interaction standpoint

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with the rest of Asia as it continues to grow in power.

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But when you start to look at other issue areas,

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there may be more or less comfort

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with what the status quo is,

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or disagreements on what the status quo is.

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For example, Taiwan, what is the status quo

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associated with Taiwan?

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From a Chinese perspective, even though it may be

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the status quo, they've never agreed

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with having a separate Taiwan.

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If you look at claims in the East China Sea,

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South China Sea, China's assertion is that

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it is making claims that it has historically

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for a very long time, and that it's wanting

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to preserve the status quo rather than change it.

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Those are just a few examples.

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- Okay, I'm glad you mentioned those,

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because I want to shift focus now to some of those issues,

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particularly more security-related issues,

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and ask the question, what does China see

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as its greatest national security threats?

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- I think it's important, when you look at China,

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to think about what China's interests are overall,

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from a national security standpoint,

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and number one is maintaining power

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of the Chinese Communist Party.

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That is a bit different than other systems,

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considering the fact that, for example,

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in the U.S., that's not the first thing

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the current administration thinks about when they wake up,

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is preserving their party's dominance over the system

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in the way that you have in

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a Leninist authoritarian political system,

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so number one is that.

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What threatens their security the most

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is any sort of internal stability,

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any issues with legitimacy associated with the party,

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those type of issues.

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Their second most important interest

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is territorial integrity and sovereignty.

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What falls into that bucket would be,

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as I already said, Taiwan,

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Tibet, Xinjiang, some minority areas within China

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that they worry about breaking away

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and having secessionist activities,

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Hong Kong and Macau, and then increasingly,

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when you look at territorial claims

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in the East China Sea and South China Sea,

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those are included as some of

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China's more core interests within that realm.

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That would be the number two interest and threat.

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The third would be China being able

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to continue to grow its economy

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and provide a better life for its citizens overall,

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anything that would threaten that.

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If you look at conflict in regions,

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whether it's the Middle East, or in Asia Pacific,

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that potentially could damage China's ability

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to continue to grow its economy,

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that's also a national security threat.

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They have other interests as far as

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a voice in the international system,

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advocating for a developing country causes,

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but from a national security standpoint,

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I would say it's maintaining the power

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of the Chinese Communist Party,

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territorial integrity and sovereignty,

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so the ability to defend themselves

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and to keep their country from breaking apart.

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- Is that the extent of what the Chinese would consider

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the ideal situation in Asia?

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- Again, I think this is one where you really need

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to think about how that's framed.

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I say, big picture, the ideal situation within Asia

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would be an environment where China could

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keep its party in power, and maintain

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its territorial integrity, and grow its economy,

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so a peaceful environment within Asia Pacific,

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but I think there's a lot of disagreement

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within the scholarly community

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regarding what that looks like,

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because if you think about it

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from an international relations perspective,

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they are a growing economy, right?

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They're a growing power, and together

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with growing economic power comes other aspects of power,

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military, political, and as you know,

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a classic security dilemma is that

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you never know a state's intentions,

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and that states build up their capability

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in order to protect themselves at a minimum, right?

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And that, as a result, you need to plan

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for various contingencies associated with that.

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Does China want to be a hegemon within Asia?

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We don't know that.

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I don't think there's a way to actually know that

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given the lack of transparency in their system

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and the fact that they don't claim that

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as a desire at this point,

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but you could look at certain behavior

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that indicates, in the longer term,

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they could potentially become a hegemon.

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Do they want a hierarchical system within Asia?

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There's nothing tangible that indicates that,

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but you look historically in the region,

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and China has played a different role

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at different points in time than it does today,

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and there's been different relations between states

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than what you have today.

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I think it's very hard to say what China wants

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other than China wants to protect

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what it sees as its sovereignty,

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and to continue to grow its economy.

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- Okay, so the things you mentioned

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in an earlier question.

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You mentioned a keyword in my next question,

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and that has to do with the fact that

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no relationship survives friction,

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no international relationship among nations survives

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or exists without some friction,

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so I would ask you to give us some examples

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of some of the greatest disagreements

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between China and the United States.

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- I would say some of the major disagreements,

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one would be associated with trade.

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I think the audience is very familiar

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^with a lot of the critique right now

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^of the trade deficit in relations with China,

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^and as China's economy grows,

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^and as it is more incorporated into the international order

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and trades more with the U.S.

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as their domestic dissatisfaction within the U.S.

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regarding growth rates, regarding unemployment,

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and other aspects.

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I do think there's growing domestic pressure

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within the U.S. to have a more level playing field

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in economic relations with China,

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so that's one potential point of friction.

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Another point of friction, as I've already said,

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is East China Sea, South China Sea,

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but an important dynamic to remember in that is,

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for the East China Sea issues,

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on the Senkaku Diaoyu Islands,

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the other claimant in that is a country, Japan,

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that the U.S. has a mutual defense treaty with,

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so we have security obligations associated with that.

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In the South China Sea, when you look at

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the various claimants there, whether it's the Philippines,

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or Malaysia, Indonesia, we have strong

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security relationships and partnerships

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with those countries as well,

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so it's more complicated

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than just those territorial disputes.

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Especially on the South China Sea,

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that really brings up a lot of issues

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associated with freedom of navigation,

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what is the global commons,

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what norms are we going to conform to in our behavior,

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and there are disagreements regarding that as well.

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The major points of friction, I would say,

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between the U.S. and China right now

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are some trade issues and economic competition.

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I do think that, as China's economy grows,

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and as it surpasses the U.S. in absolute size,

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those conflicts will likely increase.

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You've got East China Sea, Senkaku Diaoyu,

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you have South China Sea, you have Taiwan

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that's been an enduring point of contention,

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and in many ways, China sees the U.S. as

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having played a major role in that issue,

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obviously, from the beginning, during the Cold War,

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but even today, and that's calmed down a bit

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in recent years, but that is a potential point of conflict.

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Finally, I would say, North Korea,

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in especially, I would say, over the last year or so

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as North Korea's capability increases,

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and as it becomes apparent that China and the U.S.

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have different interests associated.

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We've known this for a very long time,

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but obviously, it's become a higher priority,

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from a U.S. perspective, and China and the U.S. have

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differing views regarding how to resolve that issue,

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so I think that could be a potential point of stress.

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- The president just came back from the far East yesterday,

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and I'm wondering if you saw some signs in that trip

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that would lead us to think that

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China and the U.S. could actually reconcile

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some of our differences in Asia.

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Do you think that's possible?

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Or is it already happening?

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- From this trip itself, I think it'll take a while

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to see what the actual results of the trip are.

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On the surface of it, all that I've seen tangible

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come out of the meetings in Beijing

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are announcements regarding

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a few hundred billion dollars ...

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of business deals that have been

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in the works for quite a while,

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and if you think about, compared to the overall deficit,

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and compared to the overall relationship,

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I think that's a minor win,

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but that could be seen as a positive result of the trip.

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I don't know what happened behind closed doors, obviously,

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but if you look at the speech that President Trump gave

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in China, it was still echoing the same sentiments

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regarding concerns over the deficit,

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and concerns over those trade frictions.

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Then you look at the speech that he gave a few days later

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at APEC, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum,

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in that speech, there continued to be

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the rhetoric associated with concerns

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about the international economic order

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and concerns from the U.S. perspective

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regarding trade partners that are not providing

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a level playing field for U.S. companies.

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I have not seen any tangible results of the trip yet,

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but it's still early days.

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He just returned, and most of those discussions

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occur behind closed doors.

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- I want to ask you to look in a crystal ball

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and give us a couple of examples

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where the U.S. and China can and should cooperate more,

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specifically in Asia, or maybe even

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in other parts of the world.

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What should we be working to do together?

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- I think the most probable areas of cooperation

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would be issues on which we have a shared interest,

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that it's clear cut as a shared interest.

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Basically, for example, global climate change.

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That's something that we could cooperate on.

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We both have an interest in preventing that

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from occurring in the longer term,

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and that's something, in the past,

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we have cooperated on in certain ways,

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so that would be one.

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Developing green technology.

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Another potential area of cooperation would be

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in foreign aid provision or providing

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assistance to developing economies.

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In many cases, we play within that realm together

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from the standpoint of, we're both providing foreign aid

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to individual countries, we're both providing

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various levels of technical assistance

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for economic development, and I think

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many countries would be able to learn quite a bit

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from both of our experiences,

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so that's something that I think we could do

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in a noncompetitive way.

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Another example would be anti-piracy.

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We've seen this in the past with the Gulf of Aden,

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we have cooperated on those issues.

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Another would be United Nations peacekeeping operations,

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which China has been heavily involved with over the years.

16:06.506 --> 16:08.025
Those are a few examples,

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and I think we have opportunities for cooperation,

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but we really need to focus on those areas

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where we have a shared interest

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and there's not these debates over territorial integrity,

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or over values that may not be the same

16:21.839 --> 16:24.089
between the U.S. and China.

16:25.249 --> 16:28.675
- Over the past few years, we've seen some instances

16:28.675 --> 16:32.092
where things had a potential to escalate.

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I'm wondering if there are ...

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you have some specific recommendations that would ...

16:41.272 --> 16:44.500
Give us some examples of the kinds of things

16:44.500 --> 16:47.903
the U.S. and China should be either doing

16:47.903 --> 16:51.570
to eliminate these potential conflict areas,

16:53.532 --> 16:55.362
should we be doing, and things that

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we should be refraining from doing.

16:59.047 --> 17:02.436
- I think the best advice to give on that

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would be that we need to increase communication

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as much as possible.

17:06.276 --> 17:10.180
We need to have as much military to military cooperation

17:10.180 --> 17:11.981
that we can have that still, obviously,

17:11.981 --> 17:14.692
protects U.S. interests and isn't threatening

17:14.692 --> 17:17.135
our national security, but ultimately,

17:17.135 --> 17:20.083
more communication is better because,

17:20.083 --> 17:23.833
where I see the most likely areas of conflict

17:24.129 --> 17:27.879
would be, for example, on the East China Sea,

17:28.461 --> 17:29.532
not necessarily a misunderstanding,

17:29.532 --> 17:32.377
but a miscommunication, or a very minor incident

17:32.377 --> 17:34.577
that then escalates into a crisis,

17:34.577 --> 17:37.544
and we don't have the proper communication

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between our militaries in order to deescalate that in time.

17:42.020 --> 17:43.284
That would be one example.

17:43.284 --> 17:45.529
I do think we need to increase in that way.

17:45.529 --> 17:49.362
That said, many of our tensions are the result

17:49.823 --> 17:53.490
of an actual difference of interests, right?

17:55.453 --> 17:58.340
How that's addressed in the longer term, I think,

17:58.340 --> 18:00.865
is difficult in that, are U.S. interests

18:00.865 --> 18:02.401
in the region gonna change?

18:02.401 --> 18:04.750
Are China's interests in the region gonna change?

18:04.750 --> 18:06.555
Perhaps, those are strategic decisions

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we make as a country over time,

18:09.129 --> 18:11.659
but assuming that those don't change,

18:11.659 --> 18:14.101
we have a situation where China is

18:14.101 --> 18:17.934
an authoritarian, politically communist regime

18:18.542 --> 18:22.138
that there are sincere differences of opinion

18:22.138 --> 18:24.884
regarding how they govern their society,

18:24.884 --> 18:27.384
and how the U.S. governs ours.

18:29.033 --> 18:30.475
I think that's a fundamental difference,

18:30.475 --> 18:31.855
and the reason I bring that up is,

18:31.855 --> 18:33.945
I think one of the discomforts with China

18:33.945 --> 18:37.862
as a rising power is not just that it's rising.

18:37.954 --> 18:39.496
It's that it's a rising power

18:39.496 --> 18:42.926
that doesn't necessarily share the same norms

18:42.926 --> 18:46.172
as the U.S. and the West on a number of key issues

18:46.172 --> 18:48.695
regarding governance of their population.

18:48.695 --> 18:49.965
That will continue.

18:49.965 --> 18:51.966
I don't anticipate that that is going to change

18:51.966 --> 18:54.475
in a dramatic way in the future,

18:54.475 --> 18:56.983
and as China's economic power grows,

18:56.983 --> 18:59.316
those tensions may escalate.

18:59.316 --> 19:02.409
On territorial integrity, I don't think

19:02.409 --> 19:04.033
that the U.S. should be backing down

19:04.033 --> 19:06.667
from our commitments to allies in the region.

19:06.667 --> 19:10.500
I don't think that we should be allowing China

19:11.129 --> 19:12.844
to operate in a way that we don't think

19:12.844 --> 19:15.773
is a proper interpretation of international law,

19:15.773 --> 19:18.590
so I don't think we should back down on that,

19:18.590 --> 19:20.725
but I also think we need to increase communication

19:20.725 --> 19:23.308
so we can avoid a minor dispute

19:24.163 --> 19:27.580
turning into something much more serious.

19:27.616 --> 19:30.283
- That's a very well description

19:31.744 --> 19:33.911
of the situation, I think,

19:34.018 --> 19:36.920
a very helpful description of the situation,

19:36.920 --> 19:39.863
the things we should and should not be doing.

19:39.863 --> 19:42.122
Last question, again, I want to ask you

19:42.122 --> 19:44.289
to speculate a little bit.

19:44.308 --> 19:47.641
What would you assess is the probability

19:48.020 --> 19:52.187
that conflict would erupt between the U.S. and China

19:52.819 --> 19:54.902
within the next 20 years?

19:55.550 --> 19:58.057
- I think it's a relatively low probability,

19:58.057 --> 20:00.336
and you have to look at different functional areas.

20:00.336 --> 20:02.186
On the military side, for me,

20:02.186 --> 20:03.883
the most likely areas of conflict, again,

20:03.883 --> 20:06.093
would be East China Sea, South China Sea.

20:06.093 --> 20:09.114
There are scenarios under which North Korea

20:09.114 --> 20:10.947
could potentially become a conflict scenario

20:10.947 --> 20:12.573
between our two countries because

20:12.573 --> 20:16.245
China still has a mutual defense treaty with North Korea,

20:16.245 --> 20:19.705
and has recently re-articulated their commitment to that

20:19.705 --> 20:23.455
to specify that, if North Korea is aggressive

20:24.362 --> 20:27.075
towards another country and initiates conflict,

20:27.075 --> 20:29.222
China will essentially restrain itself

20:29.222 --> 20:31.559
and not become involved in that conflict,

20:31.559 --> 20:34.642
but that, if North Korea is attacked,

20:35.069 --> 20:36.827
that China would contribute to

20:36.827 --> 20:38.702
the mutual defense of North Korea.

20:38.702 --> 20:41.954
There are scenarios where, if the U.S. engaged

20:41.954 --> 20:46.121
in a preventive or preemptive action against North Korea,

20:46.376 --> 20:49.209
that you could have militarized dispute

20:49.209 --> 20:50.748
between China and the U.S.

20:50.748 --> 20:52.211
So there is potential.

20:52.211 --> 20:53.992
That's a relatively small probability.

20:53.992 --> 20:55.510
I think it's a higher probability today

20:55.510 --> 20:58.074
than it was a year ago or two years ago,

20:58.074 --> 21:00.184
just because of escalating tensions,

21:00.184 --> 21:03.684
and more because of the U.S. approach to the situation

21:03.684 --> 21:06.137
rather than the Chinese approach.

21:06.137 --> 21:08.237
I think that's a growing area.

21:08.237 --> 21:10.290
Taiwan, as I said before, is always,

21:10.290 --> 21:12.873
there's the potential for that.

21:13.097 --> 21:16.342
The military realm, I think it's unlikely,

21:16.342 --> 21:18.259
but could happen due to

21:18.421 --> 21:21.053
a relatively minor incident escalating.

21:21.053 --> 21:24.221
What I think the more likely tension areas would be,

21:24.221 --> 21:26.372
would be more of a Cold War type of environment

21:26.372 --> 21:29.690
that potentially could emerge either through China's actions

21:29.690 --> 21:31.613
or through U.S. actions.

21:31.613 --> 21:34.338
If the U.S. continues to withdraw itself

21:34.338 --> 21:36.086
from the international order,

21:36.086 --> 21:38.315
and China takes a leadership role,

21:38.315 --> 21:41.685
and we continue to have these frictions regarding trade,

21:41.685 --> 21:44.994
and especially if either side takes trade action

21:44.994 --> 21:46.986
that then results in a trade war,

21:46.986 --> 21:51.153
you could have a ruptured U.S.-China economic relationship

21:51.214 --> 21:54.863
with China having a sphere of influence economically

21:54.863 --> 21:57.186
with certain countries, and the U.S.,

21:57.186 --> 21:59.402
so basically breaking up into blocks.

21:59.402 --> 22:00.489
I think that's much more likely

22:00.489 --> 22:03.202
than any sort of militarized dispute.

22:03.202 --> 22:04.471
Again, that really depends on both

22:04.471 --> 22:07.144
the actions of the U.S. and China.

22:07.144 --> 22:08.644
That could happen.

22:08.950 --> 22:11.995
We also, I think, could have some breakdown

22:11.995 --> 22:14.090
of the overall international order

22:14.090 --> 22:18.257
due to many factors globally associated with nationalism

22:18.880 --> 22:21.587
and the downsides of globalization.

22:21.587 --> 22:23.077
We may be seeing a fraying of

22:23.077 --> 22:24.707
the overall international order,

22:24.707 --> 22:27.258
so you may have an economic order

22:27.258 --> 22:29.400
that China leads in a longer term,

22:29.400 --> 22:32.016
and one that the U.S. and the West leads,

22:32.016 --> 22:35.671
and have, more similar to the actual Cold War,

22:35.671 --> 22:38.053
rather than just having regional blocks,

22:38.053 --> 22:40.489
having full-fledged systems that have

22:40.489 --> 22:43.239
different norms that govern them.

22:43.820 --> 22:46.212
We may be at this turning point,

22:46.212 --> 22:47.359
so I think that's more likely

22:47.359 --> 22:49.251
than any sort of militarized dispute.

22:49.251 --> 22:52.154
- Okay, so low on the military side,

22:52.154 --> 22:54.385
and maybe higher in the economic realm.

22:54.385 --> 22:55.218
- Mm-hmm.

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- Okay, Dr. Murphy, you've given us a lot to think about

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over this very short period of time,

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so on behalf of the team SSQ

23:04.707 --> 23:07.925
and the entire SSQ audience, I want to thank you

23:07.925 --> 23:09.811
for sharing your experience with us,

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and also leading us to think strategically

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about this very important relationship

23:15.652 --> 23:17.119
between the U.S. and China.

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Thank you very much.

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- Thank you again for having me, appreciate it.

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