WEBVTT

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- Good afternoon, all.

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I thought I'd take a few moments

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to offer a few comments on the strategy

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for South Asia that President Trump

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outlined last night in his address to the nation,

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and then take a few of your questions on that subject.

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I think the President did a, I think, fairly thorough job

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in terms of describing the new military approach,

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and I think the important point in that

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is a conditions-based approach

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as opposed to a time-based approach

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that had specified troop ceiling levels and timetables,

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and I think the President's been quite clear

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that what will be different this time

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is he has empowered our military commanders on the ground

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to make more timely decisions,

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to conduct battlefield operations

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based upon the conditions on the ground,

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and with the battle plans that Secretary

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of Defense Mattis will be approving.

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That is going to change the dynamic

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on the ground considerably.

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These are some of the same tactics

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that have been employed in the very successful campaign

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to defeat ISIS in Syria and Iraq,

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and so I think we're taking a lot

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of lessons learned from our success there

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and we'll translate those to Afghanistan.

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This is going to take some time

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for our military to go through a new set of training

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with some of the Afghan forces.

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The fighting will still be borne by the Afghan forces,

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by their military and their security forces,

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but we believe that we can turn the tide

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of what has been a losing battle

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over the last year and a half or so,

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and at least stabilize the situation

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and hopefully start seeing some battlefield victories

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on the part of the Afghan forces who have fought

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very bravely, but they've been fighting, I think,

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with less than the full capabilities that we can give them.

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I think similarly on the diplomatic front,

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we too are going to adopt a conditions-based diplomacy.

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We're going to condition our efforts along with the progress

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we see being made by the Afghan Government,

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who must continue the reform efforts

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that we've been working on for some time,

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in particular, much more rigorous

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efforts around the anti-corruption.

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Now, part of the corruption challenge, in some respects,

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has been the methods and ways in which we have

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been delivering some of our aid.

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We've not been as accountable, I think, to ourselves

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in terms of ensuring that our aid programs,

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development programs are delivering

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the results that they were intended to deliver.

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Some of that has been challenged

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by the security environment.

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It's very difficult for many of our aid

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workers to operate in Afghanistan.

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So as the security environment improves,

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we expect to adopt a different approach

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as to how we deliver on the development

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and assistance that supports the Afghan

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Government in their reforms as well.

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I think the President was clear this entire effort

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is intended to put pressure on the Taliban

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to have the Taliban understand:

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You will not win a battlefield victory.

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We may not win one, but neither will you.

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And so at some point, we have to come

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to the negotiating table and find

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a way to bring this to an end.

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Now, this is a regional approach

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and part of why this effort took as long

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as it did is we chose not to just focus on Afghanistan,

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but we undertook a fairly comprehensive review

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of our relationships in Pakistan

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and our relationship with India.

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And we see this approach as requiring an integration

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of all three of those strategies,

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and use Pakistan, India to also bring pressure

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to bear on the situation in Afghanistan.

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Pakistan in particular can play

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an important role here, certainly in delivering

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the Taliban to the negotiating table.

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Pakistan has suffered acts of terrorism,

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their citizens have suffered acts of terrorism

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I think as dramatic as any we've seen anywhere,

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and we stand ready to help Pakistan

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address terrorist organizations inside of their country,

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but they must adopt a different approach themselves.

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Pakistan and the U.S. historically

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had very good relationships, but over the last

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few years, there has been a real erosion

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in the confidence between our two governments.

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There's been an erosion in trust

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because we have witnessed terrorist organizations

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being given safe haven inside of Pakistan

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to plan and carry out attacks against U.S. servicemen,

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U.S. officials, disrupting peace

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efforts inside of Afghanistan.

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Pakistan must adopt a different approach,

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and we are ready to work with them to help them

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protect themselves against these terrorist organizations,

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but certainly to begin to end their attacks

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that are disrupting our efforts at peace.

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We are going to be conditioning our support for Pakistan

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and our relationship with them

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on them delivering results in this area.

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We want to work with Pakistan in a positive way,

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but they must change their approach.

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India is emerging as a very important

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regional strategic partner with the United States,

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and has played an important role

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supporting the Afghan Government,

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and in particular supporting their economy.

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India has provided developmental assistance.

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They've provided economic assistance.

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They are hosting an important economic

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conference in India this next week.

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All of that is important to stabilizing Afghanistan

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as a nation, get their economy functioning,

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stabilize the country so that they can provide

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more opportunities to their citizens.

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These are all elements of what will lead

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to stability and ultimately a peace agreement.

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But the effort is, again, a regional effort.

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Put pressure on the parties to understand

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that this fighting is going to take everyone nowhere,

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and it's time to begin a process,

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it may very well be a lengthy process,

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of reconciliation and a peace accord.

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And Afghanistan, as the President said,

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can choose its form of government

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that best suits the needs of its people,

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as long as it rejects terrorism,

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never provides territory in Afghanistan

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to provide safe haven for terrorists,

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and accommodates all of the groups represented

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inside of Afghanistan, ethnic groups and others.

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How they want to organize themselves is up to them.

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But we have to recognize that their culture

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is a tribal culture, and their history

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accommodates the nature of those relationships.

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There's no reason their form of government

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cannot accommodate that as well.

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So we want to facilitate a reconciliation peace process,

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and we will facilitate them coming to some conclusion

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around how they want to govern themselves.

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That's really the essence of the strategy.

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And before taking your questions,

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I do want to make one comment on North Korea.

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I think it is worth noting that we have had

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no missile launches or provocative acts

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on the part of North Korea since the unanimous adoption

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of the UN Security Council resolution.

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And I want to take note of that.

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I want to acknowledge it.

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I am pleased to see that the regime in Pyongyang

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has certainly demonstrated some level of restraint

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that we've not seen in the past.

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We hope that this is the beginning of this signal

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that we've been looking for that they are ready

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to restrain their level of tensions,

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they're ready to restrain their provocative acts,

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and that perhaps we are seeing our pathway

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to sometime in the near future having some dialogue.

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We need to see more on their part,

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but I want to acknowledge the steps they've taken thus far.

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I think it's important to take note of that.

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So with that, I'm happy to take your questions.

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- [Heather] I'll call out on some of the reporters here.

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Please keep your questions tight.

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We don't have that much time today.

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Matt Lee from the AP, we'll start with you.

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- Thanks, I'll be really brief.

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It seems like, to me, at least,

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that with the no nation-building concept

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of the President laid out last night and what you just said,

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that the main difference, other than the timetable part

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of the military stuff, the main difference

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between this new approach and the old one

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is that you're eliminating 2/3 of what used to be known

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as the clear, hold, and build strategy.

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In other words, we clear, or you clear,

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you hold, and we won't build.

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You will.

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So if that's correct, what happens

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to the anti-corruption efforts

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that you mentioned, the good governance,

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the counter-narcotics, the education programs?

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What happens to those?

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And more specifically, what's that gonna mean

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for particularly Afghan women and girls

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who have been assured for the last 16 years

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by two separate administrations

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that they wouldn't be abandoned?

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- Well, I don't want to suggest that there's

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that dramatic a difference in terms of our expectations

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for Afghan Government performance.

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And as you point out, there's been

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enormous strides achieved in Afghanistan,

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both in terms of the numbers of millions of children

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that are now in schools being educated,

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the role of women in the Afghan economy now

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has been dramatically changed.

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I don't expect any of that to be rolled back.

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I think that has become part of

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the Afghan Government structure.

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It's become part of what the Afghan

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people themselves, I think, expect.

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If you go back many years ago,

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prior to all of this disruption, that was Afghanistan.

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That was the nature of Afghanistan 30, 40, 50 years ago.

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So I think it is part of their culture already.

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We want to support that.

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In terms of the clear and hold, that is still the approach,

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is that areas will be cleared and Afghan Security Forces

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can hold those areas, thereby enabling

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some growth in the Afghan economy.

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Part of what Afghanistan struggles under is they do not

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have control over but a portion of their economy.

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So as the forces are able to either hold areas

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and stabilize them, certainly not give up further ground,

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and they're still losing ground today, as you well know.

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So this is gonna take a little while.

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But it's to stabilize and then hopefully begin

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to regain control, and as ground is gained,

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it will be held by Afghan Security Forces,

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while allowing the Afghan Government to continue

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what it has been very successfully doing

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under our assistance now for many years,

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and not roll back any of those gains that have been made.

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I don't think that's the aspiration

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of the Afghan Government or the Afghan people, either.

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So we're gonna continue to help them institutionally.

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We may be taking different approaches and not putting

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so much of the U.S. taxpayer dollar on the ground,

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building schools and building infrastructures.

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We think there are plenty of others

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that we are gonna call upon for assistance as well.

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Rather, we're there to facilitate and ensure

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that there is a pathway for reconciliation and peace talks

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as this pressure begins to take hold,

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and we believe, we already know,

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there are certain moderate elements of the Taliban

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who we think are going to be ready

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and want to help develop a way forward.

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How long that will take will be, again,

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based on conditions on the ground.

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- [Heather] Right, Andrea Mitchell, NBC.

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- Thank you very much.

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Mr. Secretary, a question that embraces

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both the military side and the diplomatic side.

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On the military side, won't the new rules of engagement

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mean that in the short term at least,

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our forces will be more at risk

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because they will be potentially doing

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night raids against the Taliban again,

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not just training but actually supporting

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in a more active role because the Afghan troops are not

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all up to par here to push back against the Taliban advance?

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And on the diplomatic side, why didn't the President

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mention Russia's rearming of the Taliban,

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which General Nicholson has been talking about very openly?

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He seemed to be letting Russia off the hook in his speech.

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And do you have enough people, given the fact

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that there are not Trump-confirmed diplomatic appointees

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in many of these positions in the region?

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- Well, on the military operations side

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of it, I would really defer to the Department of Defense

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to answer that one, other than I know the approach

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is going to be, as I said, similar

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to what we have had success elsewhere.

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As Secretary Mattis describes it,

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it's a by, with, and through approach,

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and I think that's part of why the need

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for a step-up in troop levels is so we can now,

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at the battalion level, organize and help

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the Afghan army fight in a different way

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with close ground advisement at the battalion level

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and the ability to call in support

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on a more timely basis as needed,

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to ensure victory as opposed to either stalemate or defeat.

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With respect to the comment about Russia,

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to the extent Russia is supplying arms to the Taliban,

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that is a violation, obviously, of international norms

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and it's a violation of UN Security Council norms.

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We certainly would object to that

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and call Russia's attention to that.

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If anyone is gonna supply arms,

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it needs to be through the Afghan Government.

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In terms of our footprint on the ground, we have

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very competent, capable, experienced people there now.

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Our Afghan ambassador is remaining on the job at this time.

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We have a Pakistan ambassador that's been nominated.

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We hope to have that person cleared

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through the process soon.

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And even in the transition in Afghanistan,

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as Ambassador Hale transitions out, we've nominated

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Ambassador Bass, a very experienced diplomat.

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Been chief, been running the embassy

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in Ankara, Turkey, very complex place.

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He's very well-equipped to step into this situation as well.

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And we are looking at a couple of different people

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for the special representative

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to Afghanistan and Pakistan position.

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It's open currently.

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It's being filled with a very experienced individual today.

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So we're ready to get going with very competent people

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we have, and I'm not at all concerned

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about the competency level or the experience

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of the people that we have working on this.

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I'm quite confident with them.

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- [Andrea] And India?

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- [Heather] All right, no, this next question.

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Martha Raddatz from NBC, ABC, excuse me.

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- It's all right.

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Secretary Tillerson, I know you don't want to talk

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about the military, but you were just using

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some military terms, and battalion level and that.

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I know and understand why the administration

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does not want to talk about tactical moves,

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but strategy, don't the American people deserve

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to know approximately how many more

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of their sons and daughters will be going back

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to Afghanistan in a war that's lasted nearly 16 years?

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- Well, I think, and again, I don't want

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to speak for Secretary Mattis,

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but I think the intent is there will be visibility

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to troop levels once the decision has been made.

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I think what the President has conveyed,

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and I agree wholeheartedly with him,

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is that we are not going to signal ahead what our plans are.

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We're not going to signal ahead an increase,

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a decrease, the timing of any of that.

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It will be driven by conditions on the ground.

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The only way we can defeat an enemy that is as nimble

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and as cagey, tactically, as this enemy,

15:00.430 --> 15:04.163
is we have to be as cagey and tactical as they are.

15:04.163 --> 15:06.030
And we've not been fighting that way.

15:06.030 --> 15:09.307
- [Martha] Could that include strikes in Pakistan?

15:09.307 --> 15:12.721
- I'm not gonna comment on what it could include,

15:12.721 --> 15:14.745
but the President has been clear that we are going

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to protect American troops and servicemen.

15:17.970 --> 15:21.641
We are going to attack terrorists wherever they live,

15:21.641 --> 15:25.121
and we have put people on notice that if you are harboring

15:25.121 --> 15:28.731
and providing safe haven to terrorists, be warned.

15:28.731 --> 15:29.898
Be forewarned.

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And we're going to engage with those

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who are providing safe haven and ask them

15:34.713 --> 15:38.121
to change what they're doing and help us help them.

15:38.121 --> 15:41.788
Because in my view, the greatest benefactor,

15:42.716 --> 15:44.635
other than the Afghan people themselves,

15:44.635 --> 15:46.177
to achieving stability and peace

15:46.177 --> 15:48.802
in Afghanistan, are the people of Pakistan.

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They will benefit more than any other nation.

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- [Heather] Margaret Brennan, CBS.

15:53.940 --> 15:54.773
- Thank you.

15:54.773 --> 15:57.190
Mr. Secretary, I'm back here.

15:57.766 --> 16:00.445
You said no preconditions to talks.

16:00.445 --> 16:03.922
Specifically, are you saying that the U.S. no longer expects

16:03.922 --> 16:06.965
the Taliban to accept the Afghan constitution

16:06.965 --> 16:09.230
and specifically the rights of women?

16:09.230 --> 16:13.370
And on Pakistan, did you articulate, in specific terms,

16:13.370 --> 16:17.029
or do you plan to, to Pakistan the consequences

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of their actions, whether it be sanctions,

16:20.038 --> 16:22.892
dropping their non-NATO ally status?

16:22.892 --> 16:25.527
I mean, what exactly have you communicated

16:25.527 --> 16:27.332
or do you plan to communicate?

16:27.332 --> 16:29.300
- Well, I had a good call with the prime minister

16:29.300 --> 16:32.897
of Pakistan yesterday afternoon to give them

16:32.897 --> 16:35.174
a bit of a forewarning of what they were going

16:35.174 --> 16:36.638
to hear in the President's speech.

16:36.638 --> 16:40.805
And also, we did touch on the points I've made to you today.

16:40.915 --> 16:43.998
We are going to be engaging with them

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in a very serious and thorough way as to our expectations

16:48.989 --> 16:50.853
and the conditions that go with that.

16:50.853 --> 16:54.349
And all of those things you just listed are on the table

16:54.349 --> 16:58.182
for discussion if, in fact, they are unwilling

16:58.842 --> 17:02.504
to change their posture or change their approach

17:02.504 --> 17:05.128
to how they're dealing with the numerous

17:05.128 --> 17:06.760
terrorist organizations that find

17:06.760 --> 17:09.002
safe haven inside of Pakistan.

17:09.002 --> 17:13.067
Again, it is in Pakistan's interest to take those actions.

17:13.067 --> 17:15.392
When we say no preconditions on the talks,

17:15.392 --> 17:17.057
I think what we are saying is,

17:17.057 --> 17:19.287
look, the Government of Afghanistan

17:19.287 --> 17:20.999
and the Taliban representatives need

17:20.999 --> 17:23.023
to sit down and sort this out.

17:23.023 --> 17:24.889
It's not for the U.S. to tell them

17:24.889 --> 17:26.656
it must be this particular model,

17:26.656 --> 17:28.744
it must be under these conditions,

17:28.744 --> 17:30.240
and I think that's what the President means

17:30.240 --> 17:33.639
when he says we're no longer nation-building.

17:33.639 --> 17:36.547
Look, we've tried taking certain principles

17:36.547 --> 17:39.269
and forms around the world and sometimes it works.

17:39.269 --> 17:41.332
In a lot of places, it doesn't work.

17:41.332 --> 17:43.497
We don't know what's gonna emerge here.

17:43.497 --> 17:47.664
We're gonna be there, obviously, to encourage others.

17:47.757 --> 17:50.039
But it's gonna be up to the Afghan Government

17:50.039 --> 17:52.023
and the representatives of the Taliban

17:52.023 --> 17:53.983
to work through a reconciliation process

17:53.983 --> 17:56.483
of what will serve their needs

17:56.647 --> 17:59.121
and achieve the American people's objectives,

17:59.121 --> 18:02.447
which is security, no safe haven for terrorists

18:02.447 --> 18:06.123
to operate anywhere in Afghanistan now or in the future.

18:06.123 --> 18:08.823
- [Heather] Tom Rogan with The Washington Examiner.

18:08.823 --> 18:12.548
- Mr. Secretary, you mentioned the force protection concerns

18:12.548 --> 18:15.298
and Ambassador Bass shortly going

18:15.357 --> 18:18.300
to Afghanistan and the SRAP discussions.

18:18.300 --> 18:20.583
But how are you going to get someone

18:20.583 --> 18:22.879
who is able to go out beyond the wire

18:22.879 --> 18:26.538
and negotiate functionally, regularly in that weekly basis

18:26.538 --> 18:28.267
with individuals from the Haqqani Network

18:28.267 --> 18:30.595
and that force protection concern?

18:30.595 --> 18:32.320
- Well, we are going to have to

18:32.320 --> 18:35.070
improve the security environment.

18:35.231 --> 18:37.275
The environment today is not conducive

18:37.275 --> 18:39.554
to carrying out those types of activities.

18:39.554 --> 18:41.304
You're exactly right.

18:41.378 --> 18:43.779
And so part of what we're going to have to do is,

18:43.779 --> 18:46.574
first, ensure we're ready to engage

18:46.574 --> 18:48.770
when conditions permit us to engage.

18:48.770 --> 18:50.796
It, again, is why Pakistan is very

18:50.796 --> 18:53.158
important in this discussion as well.

18:53.158 --> 18:56.468
Pakistan can facilitate much of that discussion.

18:56.468 --> 18:58.223
And there are other regional players

18:58.223 --> 19:00.844
to which this particular conflict

19:00.844 --> 19:05.011
and this unstable situation in Afghanistan are important.

19:05.492 --> 19:07.474
We've had discussions with the Chinese

19:07.474 --> 19:09.930
about a role they might be able to play.

19:09.930 --> 19:11.875
We've had discussions with the Russians

19:11.875 --> 19:14.938
about the role they could play if they choose to.

19:14.938 --> 19:17.278
And certainly regional players in the Gulf,

19:17.278 --> 19:19.874
GCC member countries, are very interested

19:19.874 --> 19:23.793
in seeing this area in Afghanistan stabilized as well.

19:23.793 --> 19:26.817
So there are a lot of partners out here on the periphery

19:26.817 --> 19:28.949
that I think will have, from time to time,

19:28.949 --> 19:30.765
important roles they can play.

19:30.765 --> 19:33.337
Ultimately, it comes down to the two parties,

19:33.337 --> 19:37.312
the Afghan Government and the Taliban representatives.

19:37.312 --> 19:39.585
- [Heather] Felicia Schwartz with The Wall Street Journal.

19:39.585 --> 19:41.585
- Thanks, Mr. Secretary.

19:41.991 --> 19:45.863
Going back to Pakistan, officials for quite some time,

19:45.863 --> 19:47.642
Democratic and Republican administrations,

19:47.642 --> 19:50.975
have tried to get the government to stop

19:53.203 --> 19:56.310
giving safe haven to the Haqqani Network, terrorist groups.

19:56.310 --> 19:59.030
What leverage do you think you have?

19:59.030 --> 20:00.770
- Well, I think it's, obviously,

20:00.770 --> 20:02.224
we have some leverage that's been

20:02.224 --> 20:04.008
discussed in terms of the amount of aid

20:04.008 --> 20:06.155
and military assistance we give them,

20:06.155 --> 20:09.822
their status as a non-NATO alliance partner.

20:10.657 --> 20:12.467
All of that can be put on the table.

20:12.467 --> 20:15.774
But at the end of the day, Pakistan has to decide

20:15.774 --> 20:18.774
what is in Pakistan's best long-term

20:19.455 --> 20:21.462
interest from a security standpoint

20:21.462 --> 20:24.231
for themselves and for their people.

20:24.231 --> 20:27.433
Quite frankly, as I evaluate Pakistan's current situation,

20:27.433 --> 20:30.123
if I were the Pakistan Government,

20:30.123 --> 20:34.104
I would have growing concerns about the strength

20:34.104 --> 20:38.271
of the Taliban and other organizations inside of Pakistan

20:38.321 --> 20:41.527
who seem to be growing their numbers and their presence

20:41.527 --> 20:44.496
to the point that at some point they become a real threat

20:44.496 --> 20:47.852
to the stability of the Pakistani Government itself.

20:47.852 --> 20:49.154
I think they need to be thinking

20:49.154 --> 20:51.522
about what is in their best long-term interest

20:51.522 --> 20:55.599
and how can we work with them to achieve a safer,

20:55.599 --> 20:59.766
more stable Pakistan in the next decades to come as well.

21:01.041 --> 21:02.809
I think it really is up to them.

21:02.809 --> 21:05.217
They've got to ask themselves that question.

21:05.217 --> 21:08.552
Why does this work for them and why is this going

21:08.552 --> 21:11.480
to continue to support their stability

21:11.480 --> 21:13.730
and the survival of their government in the years ahead,

21:13.730 --> 21:16.986
if they continue to allow these elements to just grow

21:16.986 --> 21:20.376
and maintain their presence inside of Pakistan.

21:20.376 --> 21:23.709
- [Heather] Last question, welcome, AFP.

21:23.719 --> 21:24.552
- Thank you.

21:24.552 --> 21:26.051
Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

21:26.051 --> 21:29.244
Don't you fear on the other side that too much pressure,

21:29.244 --> 21:31.608
too tough pressure on Pakistan may

21:31.608 --> 21:34.775
destabilize the Islamabad and may have

21:36.886 --> 21:40.219
destabilizing all the region with having

21:41.432 --> 21:44.099
Taliban stronger in the country?

21:44.216 --> 21:46.392
- That is a concern, and that's why I made

21:46.392 --> 21:48.450
the comments I just made, that I think it's important

21:48.450 --> 21:51.215
that Pakistan begin to think about its ability

21:51.215 --> 21:53.882
to contain these groups as well.

21:54.154 --> 21:56.192
It's why, though, we take a regional approach.

21:56.192 --> 21:57.888
The U.S. alone is not going to

21:57.888 --> 22:00.721
change this dynamic with Pakistan.

22:00.949 --> 22:03.659
India and Pakistan, they have their own issues

22:03.659 --> 22:06.505
that they have to continue to work through,

22:06.505 --> 22:09.697
but I think there are areas where perhaps even India

22:09.697 --> 22:13.219
can take some steps of rapprochement on issues with Pakistan

22:13.219 --> 22:15.333
to improve the stability within Pakistan

22:15.333 --> 22:17.875
and remove some of the reasons why they deal

22:17.875 --> 22:20.835
with these unstable elements inside their own country.

22:20.835 --> 22:23.027
As I said, other regional players

22:23.027 --> 22:24.627
have strong interest in Pakistan.

22:24.627 --> 22:27.597
China has strong interest in Pakistan.

22:27.597 --> 22:30.097
Having a stable, secure future

22:30.107 --> 22:32.955
Pakistan is in a lot of our interests.

22:32.955 --> 22:34.676
They are a nuclear power.

22:34.676 --> 22:37.157
We have concerns about their weapons,

22:37.157 --> 22:38.925
the security of their weapons.

22:38.925 --> 22:42.679
There are many areas in which we believe we should be having

22:42.679 --> 22:45.535
very productive dialogue that serves

22:45.535 --> 22:49.534
both of our interests and regional interest as well.

22:49.534 --> 22:51.127
Again, this is not a situation

22:51.127 --> 22:54.518
where the U.S. is saying, "Look, it's just us and you."

22:54.518 --> 22:56.812
What our approach is to bring, as I said,

22:56.812 --> 22:58.445
these regional approaches is to bring

22:58.445 --> 23:01.778
all the other interest into this effort.

23:02.473 --> 23:04.540
Much as we've done with North Korea

23:04.540 --> 23:07.268
and assembling this global effort in North Korea,

23:07.268 --> 23:11.046
I think too often we try to distill these challenges down

23:11.046 --> 23:13.804
to where it's just the U.S. and some other country

23:13.804 --> 23:16.267
and only between the two of us can we solve it.

23:16.267 --> 23:18.835
We have to enlarge the circle of interest

23:18.835 --> 23:21.726
and bring others into the effort as well,

23:21.726 --> 23:24.254
and that's what we'll be doing with Pakistan as well.

23:24.254 --> 23:25.180
- [Heather] Thank you, Mr. Secretary.

23:25.180 --> 23:26.083
Thank you, everyone.
- Thank you.

23:26.083 --> 23:26.916
- [Heather] We'll see you tomorrow.

23:26.916 --> 23:28.477
We'll have a press briefing at 2:00 p.m.

23:28.477 --> 23:29.310
Thanks.

23:29.514 --> 23:30.864
- [Reporter] Thank you.

